Resilience isn’t only about infrastructure. How can we better support community-based environmental stewardship in readiness, response, and recovery from disturbance?

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.
Every month we feature a Global Roundtable in which a group of people respond to a specific question in The Nature of Cities.
show/hide list of writers
Hover over a name to see an excerpt of their response…click on the name to see their full response.
Weston Brinkley, Seattle To help cities perform their core function as social networks, we must support grassroots stewardship, foster true empowerment, and advance equity.
Katerina Elias-Trotsmann, Rio de Janeiro Rio is trying to support community-based environmental stewardship by assessing community resilience, enhancing response, and accelerating recovery.
Sumetee Gajjar, Bangalore The biggest disaster being averted by community initiatives is that of non-engagement with nature by city residents.
Jonathan Halfon, New York In the face of unprecedented challenges such as climate change and sea level rise, we need to transition back to an empowerment model focused on finding local, creative solutions.
Heather McMillen, Honolulu & New York What would the world look like if we worked to solve problems by acknowledging local adaptations as social innovations?
Luciana Nery, Rio de Janeiro Rio is trying to support community-based environmental stewardship by assessing community resilience, enhancing response, and accelerating recovery.
Raul Pacheco-Vega, Aguascalientes We need to think beyond climate policy and create an integrated urban development set of policy tools, programs, and projects that will then build resilience.
Renae Reynolds, New York Levees break and barriers fail, yet what endures is the will and persistence of people.
Hita Unnikrishnan, Bangalore Enabling the inclusion of urban commons in planning measures is a gap that must be filled for greater resilience of cities.
Paula Villagra, Valdivia Land use planning must accommodate specific land use types—such as urban wetlands—to increase community resilience.
Karen Zumach, Minneapolis In North Minneapolis, the community views replacing the trees lost in a 2011 tornado as a duty. It’s about their community.
David Maddox

About the Writer:
David Maddox

David loves urban spaces and nature. He loves creativity and collaboration. He loves theatre and music. In his life and work he has practiced in all of these as, in various moments, a scientist, a climate change researcher, a land steward, an ecological practitioner, composer, a playwright, a musician, an actor, and a theatre director.

Introduction

Abundant evidence attests to the key importance of green infrastructure in protection from and resilience to disturbance events—hurricanes, floods, tornadoes, wildfire, and other disasters. Now, there is growing focus on the periods between disturbance events: the time of recovery from the last disturbance that grades into preparation for the next. There is likewise a growing appreciation for the role communities play. Natural resource stewardship activities, including tree planting and other community greening efforts, can help restore nature, facilitate healing, and revitalize neighborhoods. While the immediate aftermath of an event necessitates a focus on swift response and mitigation, mid- to long-term recovery efforts offer an opportunity to adapt, learn, and cultivate community resilience.

This is the focus of the current roundtable: what can we do to better support—or in some cases, start supporting—communities as they recover and build resilience through engaging with nature? The recommendations might include the kinds of things we are not currently doing, but should. And they might also be the things we are already doing, but should do more of. What is the way forward for building community resilience with programs in green infrastructure and nature-based solutions?

This roundtable is an outgrowth of a workshop held in 2016, convened by the U.S. Forest Service and supported by TKF and others. 

Weston Brinkley

About the Writer:
Weston Brinkley

Weston is as a policy and research consultant working on the social dimensions of urban natural resources. He currently chairs the City of Seattle's Urban Forestry Commission and holds adjunct teaching positions at Seattle University, the University of Washington, and Antioch University, Seattle.

Weston Brinkley

Community social networks are the strongest representation of our human systems. However, we too often act as if the manifestation of our societies is our built infrastructure, instead. Treating our cities and towns as a series of physical infrastructure features limits our ability to sustain their core, enduring function as social networks. Resiliency is maintaining and fostering these community and social networks in the face of disturbances.

To help cities perform their core function as social networks, we must support grassroots stewardship, foster true empowerment, and advance equity.

Traditional infrastructure is too discrete to be completely resilient. It is also expensive and insufficiently redundant in the necessary way—namely, to handle disturbance shocks to our systems. Not only are human systems networked, they can help network hard infrastructure, conferring resilience on other systems.

Communities provide the mechanisms for such resiliency. Networked social systems are bolstered by increased diversity, density, and interaction. These drivers maximize the effectiveness which has generated resilient resource mechanisms such as community solar power, tool libraries, and, of course, community gardens. While each of these is a physical feature, the real innovation that sparked their successes was an advancement in social organization and empowerment. These examples of empowering communities to develop their own resilient, networked systems could be realized in countless ways.

This type of social collaborative achievement is perhaps only just beginning. We’ve recently seen dozens of “disruptions” to typical urban functions through new technology, providing services and added capacity using existing infrastructure, such as vehicles and homes. A prime example is the development of neighborhood scaled Buy-nothing Groups. These social networks allow for extremely efficient distribution of goods, and the additional capacity and preference matching facilitated by such social networks could be a critical tool in advancing resilient communities.

Support grassroots stewardship

We know that the most enduring social networks are those that have formed naturally through reinforcement of our existing social structures. The expression of these ingrained social structures are grassroots efforts. The appeal of such efforts includes their reach and depth within communities. Research has shown that environmental efforts are often undertaken out of social desires for community building and personal connection. The ability to connect to the core of community needs and express those needs through community driven action is what sets grassroots efforts apart, and perhaps positions them to be major contributors to environmental resiliency.

It’s important to remember that movements don’t start from government offices, and are rarely generated from within formal organizations of any kind. Fostering environments that not only allow, but encourage and incentivize organic community networks, is critical. Therefore, we must support effective, community-generated networks and social structures before imposing new ones.

Foster true empowerment

For community-level social networks to advance in the face of institutional inertia that perpetuates infrastructure systems, we have to develop a community first approach. We must allow communities to do more. Ongoing development of global advances in urban-based democracy, such as the Right to the City and Participatory Budgeting movements, are prime examples of fostering effective community empowerment. These approaches should have both strong application and new corollaries when it comes to resiliency and disturbance preparedness.

 In another example, volunteer environmental stewardship efforts are already massive forces for change in our communities. Forest restoration, trail maintenance, and community garden development are salient examples of resiliency efforts supporting flood protection, access and mobility, and food security in the face of disturbance. Civic tree planting and stewardship has repeatedly been shown to be the most cost effective approach to tackling many water and public health challenges.

Civic or environmental volunteerism is a social network that provides tremendous resiliency to communities. Yet the range of activities we let communities or volunteers engage in is currently limited. Communities should be empowered to do far more than plant a tree or adopt a drain. Our infrastructure, from energy to food to transportation, is ripe for additional community involvement. Beyond involvement in planning decisions, citizen participation should run the spectrum from learning, to doing, to taking ownership. Therefore, we must expand the type of projects and level of participation that communities are allowed to undertake when it comes to community infrastructure and the environment.

Advance equity

Vulnerable and unique communities are the ones shown to be most susceptible to disturbance, and therefore most in need of resiliency solutions. Traditional infrastructure doesn’t respond well to identifying vulnerable populations or prioritizing opportunities for community development. Its inflexibility, even its impartiality, underserve too many communities, while failing to take advantage of new ideas or advancements developing from unique places. However, social networks are ripe for not only being developed within and amongst a wide range of communities—they are necessarily malleable, providing better matches for community needs.

If networked social systems are bolstered by increased diversity, density, and interaction, then a diversity of ideas more easily transferred will strengthen social networks and increase resiliency. Networking new communities into our resiliency and disturbance preparedness conversations is critical to increasing the diversity of solutions and approaches. This not only provides stronger and more effective networks overall, but broadens our opportunities for solutions. For these reasons, investing in community driven social systems first is critical for resilience. Therefore, we must remove gaps in equity by first supporting communities with the greatest resilient growth opportunities.

Katerina Elias

About the Writer:
Katerina Elias-Trotsmann

Katerina is a Research Analyst at WRI Brasil and is based in São Paulo. She focuses on urban climate resilience and community response.

Katerina Elias-Trotsmann and Luciana Nery

Communities are both the first to be affected and the first to respond to climate impacts; as such, communities are key agents and multipliers of urban resilience. Community preparedness is a necessary aspect of urban resilience that cities are beginning to prioritize as a solution to bolster climate resilience. Encouraging and enabling a culture of resilience enhances the preparation capacities of citizens and their community as a whole. They are able to maintain core functions during shocks and, most importantly, to rebound and flourish after them.

Rio is trying to support community-based environmental stewardship by assessing community resilience, enhancing response, and accelerating recovery.

As climate change impacts are felt differently according to geography, topology, infrastructure provision and social inequality, effective climate-resilience strategies are therefore place-based, suitable to neighborhood qualities and characteristics. The role of communities is thus essential to successful climate change adaptation and resilience building. To that effect, city plans should aim to enhance citizens’ and community resilience to climate change.

Why should cities invest and encourage a culture of community resilience?

Investing in communities vulnerable to climate change impacts can reduce the damage brought on by extreme weather events and the need for government relief funding, and can mobilize more resources within and into communities. It is estimated that every $1 spent on resilience efforts yields $4 in economic benefits, not including the thousands of prevented injuries and hundreds of saved lives.

The need for urban resilience in Rio de Janeiro became clear in April 2010, when heavy rains hit the city; 66 people died in landslides and thousands were displaced. The storm that hit the city had not been detected by any radar, and even if it had been, it would not have been possible to warn the population and give them instructions for evacuation so late at night. That tragedy prompted the updating of slope-safety maps, the installation of early warning systems in many favelas, frequent drills for disasters, and the creation of the Rio Operations Center, intended to integrate all the crisis management teams.

The city of Rio de Janeiro was chosen to be part of the 100 Resilient Cities initiative in 2013 and released its resilience strategy in 2016. However, engaging communities in environmental stewardship remains a challenge; a lack of understanding of local capacity, existing social tensions within and between communities, and the need to increase community capacity to manage risks are key obstacles to overcome in promoting environmental stewardship.

For a city such as Rio, investing in local community capacity is the first step in encouraging a culture of community-led resilience. Below, we outline three ways the city is trying to support community-based environmental stewardship with the focus on improving local community capacity: assessing community resilience, enhancing response, and accelerating recovery.

Assessing resilience

A key innovation of the Resilience Plan of the City of Rio entails measuring community resilience. The Urban Community Resilience Assessment (or UCRA), developed by the World Resources Institute, helps cities include individual citizen and community capacities into broader assessments of urban resilience. This tool was developed with the input of community leaders, and a pilot trial has already run, with 400 respondents from two favelas in Rio de Janeiro. By assessing social cohesion, familiarity with local risks, warning systems, proximity to ecosystems, and disaster readiness, the UCRA provides a snapshot on preparedness behaviors, risk perception, and strength of community relations. This helps cities rapidly identify public policies and concrete actions that they can take in relation to the specific traits of each community, considering its geography, history, culture, and habits.

Enhancing community relations

The second point concerns governance, trust, and participation between the communities and the local government. Rio has placed strong emphasis on building relationships of trust between the local at-risk communities, the Civil Defence (the disaster risk reduction agency) and the Rio Operations Center. The Civil Defence, for instance, has developed a Resilient Communities program together with the UN’s Office for Disaster Risk Reduction and 22 community groups from 13 favelas. One effective strategy has been organizing and running emergency simulations in local schools, along with a one-year curriculum on crisis preparedness, first-aid, and resilience.

Investing in local capacity

Finally, Rio’s municipal resilience plan extensively emphasizes the need to invest in local community capacity to deal with climate change and local risk management, with year-round measures and the commitment of community leaders.

For example, the city of Rio de Janeiro has been working with over 100 informal communities over two decades to plant trees to reduce the impacts from the urban heat island effect, strong rains, and landslides in a program known as the Reforestation Team Effort (Mutirão de Reflorestamento). To date, more than 4 million trees have been planted, equivalent to an area of 2,500 football fields. The city government works directly with local communities through a remuneration scheme, engaging them in the entire process from cultivating seedlings to planting and managing restored areas. This government-run scheme therefore not only contributes to risk reduction, but enhances livelihoods.

Luciana Nery

About the Writer:
Luciana Nery

Luciana Nery is Deputy Chief Resilience Officer of Rio de Janeiro and wishes to incorporate the lessons learned at the Olympics for the resilience of the city.

Sumetee Gajjar

About the Writer:
Sumetee Gajjar

Sumetee Pahwa Gajjar, PhD, is a Cape-Town based climate change professional who has contributed to scientific knowledge on transformative adaptation, climate justice, urban EbA and nature-based solutions. I currently work at the science-policy-research interface of climate change, biodiversity and vulnerability reduction, in the Global South. My research interests continue to be focused on urban sustainability transitions, through collaborative governance, just innovations and climate technologies.

Sumetee Gajjar

Resilience through caring for nature in times of transition

Resilience is often discussed in terms of recovery from or response to disasters, and of communities which are more vulnerable to the impacts of a range of environmental disasters. However, there are aspects of city living, especially in developing countries, which expose residents across different social groups to ongoing and daily environmental stresses. These may not fall immediately in the category of disasters, but their cumulative impact over a few years can have disastrous impacts on city residents’ health and well-being. Urban floods affect several city wards and garner significant media coverage and political commitments to avoid similar events in the future. City planners and decision-makers’ response to urban floods in India rarely encompasses nature-based solutions. Real estate development continues unabated, drains are cleared and their capacity is increased, and other technical solutions are sought—solutions in which communities have a minor role to play.

The biggest disaster being averted by community initiatives is that of non-engagement with nature by city residents.

At the same time, communities continue to face lower-intensity, chronic risks through consumption of polluted water; water scarcity during drought years; dangerous road conditions; and poor air quality due to vehicular emissions in established parts of a city, and to new construction and open fires in fast urbanizing city peripheries. Given the way in which rapidly transforming cities of the Global South are managed and governed, it is hard, if not impossible, to hold specific institutions accountable, or to expect redressal. In particular, pollution of ground water is of critical concern, as it is linked to practices and behaviours of multiple actors, some of whom benefit from regulatory slippage, while others are unaware of their contribution to poor water quality.

How, then, do we support communities, who embattle city conditions to avert disaster, in building resilience? Resilience is certainly not just about infrastructure. In fact, aspects of resilience such as flexibility, adaptability, safe failure, and learning are to be found in solutions that are, at their best, a combination of infrastructural approaches and sustained human engagement around a matter of public concern. Such initiatives end up creating a sense of place and ownership towards nature in the city, and can be leveraged to approach environmental issues which are otherwise difficult to raise and discuss.

img_3_28102016
New apartment buildings encroach unashamedly, increasing flood risk for the entire area. Real estate development at this scale is mostly beyond citizen groups’ sphere of influence. Photo: Sumetee Gajjar

To reflect a bit more on this, I draw upon my experience of being part of Jal Mitra, a volunteer group established to conserve a lake and its surrounds in North Bangalore. Initially called Guardians of the Rachenahalli Lake, this group was convened for the first time on August 1, 2015. The last year has produced multiple lessons on channeling the positive force of citizens’ time and commitment to cope with the stresses of living on the expanding edge of an Indian megacity. A humble endeavour, which thrives on volunteered weekend time, Jal Mitra has grown to more than 100 members and has executed quarterly plantation drives involving school children, cleared alien vegetation, constructed a perambulatory dirt track for joggers and cyclists around the lake, facilitated multiple users of the lake waters, and hosted awareness events on public holidays. Volunteers monitor breaks in the fence, encroachments by builders, instances of waste dumping, and other forms of pollution; they also take it upon themselves to inform relevant government agencies in the event of such activities.

Jal Mitra continually notifies additional residents of local apartment buildings to help grow the circle of awareness. Jal Mitra engages with the private sector to contribute through corporate social responsibility, and with local landlords to build sanitation facilities for residents of informal settlements. The neighbourhood has witnessed major public works, including the laying of high capacity storm water drains, bridge construction, and the resurfacing of roads over a period of two years. During this period of diverted routes over muddy lanes and around dug up ditches, residents were regularly exposed to vehicular congestion and potential accidents, including life-threatening falls. The potential risk of a disaster in these circumstances was a deeply erosive force on collective well-being. In this context, the existence of a community group that is dedicated to sustaining a local natural asset, for no personal gain, is as strong and positive a force as the lack on such a group during infrastructural upheaval.

img_1_28102016
Plantation drive on a Sunday morning, organised by Legacy school teachers and parents. Photo: Sumetee Gajjar

Environmental stewardship at a local scale in Bangalore is rarely able to shift development pathways that continue to isolate lakes from natural streams, or to prevent tree-felling for road expansion. Disturbances to nature are common, and usually irreversible. The biggest disaster being averted by community initiatives is that of non-engagement with nature by city residents. Because when that happens, the remnants of open spaces (green and blue), which are yet being cared for, will finally disappear.

Jonathan Halfon

About the Writer:
Jonathan Halfon

Jonathan Halfon is a Community Planning and Capacity Building Coordinator based at FEMA Region 2 in New York City, where he has focused on integrating nature-based systems and Smart Growth concepts into local long-term recovery and resilience planning.

Jonathan Halfon

To invest in resilience, capitalize on locals

In the 1960s, United States President Johnson used the idea of the Great Society as the basis for a set of ambitious federal initiatives aimed at rebuilding urban centers, protecting natural resources, and reforming education. Like many movements, the Great Society employed a simple idea to drive forward a host of corollary activities. The country’s material progress, impressive infrastructure achievements, economic prosperity, and scientific advancement were not goals unto themselves, but rather a reflection of the many ways a progressive society can lead to advancement for all.

In the face of unprecedented challenges such as climate change and sea level rise, we need to transition back to an empowerment model focused on finding local, creative solutions.

The Great Society Johnson envisioned empowered everyday citizens to make a difference. The federal programs associated with the Great Society hinged on the idea that local progress would come, not through Washington pushing out one-size-fits-all solutions, but from a creative federalism that relied on cooperation between the federal government and local leaders. Many of the programs developed were designed to empower local leaders to take more ownership in their communities, and in doing so build local capacity to find creative, place-based solutions to the challenges of the day.

For much of the latter half of the 20th century, public policy shifted away from this model in favor of a more hands-off approach to local issues. The time is right to transition back to this local empowerment model of the Great Society. In the face of unprecedented challenges such as climate change and sea level rise, finding homegrown creative solutions and investing in local leaders is more imperative than ever.

Resilience should not be seen as a static, singular goal. Just as the Great Society fostered a broad array of policy ideals, community resilience cannot be achieved by focusing only on the built environment. To truly build resilience at the local level, we need to broaden the definition to include the many interdependencies between social and natural systems and the built environment. The dynamic nature of these systems make them inherently unstable. We cannot set up rigid structures to manage them, and certainly not in a post-disaster environment where many systemic inputs have been rearranged by new, outside forces.

Because of their disruptive nature, disasters generate a tremendous opportunity for creativity. Nonprofits step into the breach. Private interests reach out to new partners. New ideas take hold in communities and unexpected leaders find a voice. We need to build structures, locally and nationally, that are always adapting and incorporating the needs of the whole community and that are able to harness post-disaster opportunities to improve upon the status quo.

To that end, the National Disaster Recovery Framework (one of five National Planning Frameworks established by President Obama to achieve a more resilient nation) was developed. The NDRF was deployed for the first time on a large scale after Hurricane Sandy in 2012. The NDRF creates a coordination structure for the federal government that is in effect at all times with the express goal of empowering communities, accelerating the local recovery process and helping communities better prepare. Among other things, the NDRF can bridge the divide that often exists between local government and federal agencies, escalate community recovery concerns and help deliver resources that are not traditionally thought of as part of recovery, including funding work related to green infrastructure and the incorporation of nature-based solutions.

Too often, the protection of natural resources, the consideration of open public spaces and the inclusion of green infrastructure are seen as secondary considerations (or in some cases as oppositional) to traditional disaster response and recovery activities. The NDRF offers a valuable mechanism to provide federal resources and tools that encourage the incorporation of nature-based solutions into disaster recovery planning at the local level. Local communities can outline the role that natural systems and spaces play in the larger fabric of their community before a disaster strikes by including provisions that account for their protection in a local pre-disaster recovery ordinance. This is one of the most effective ways communities can avoid adverse impacts to natural resources and preserve open space after a disaster. More robust community involvement in the development of local hazard mitigation plans, the identification of co-beneficial projects and the integration of these plans into other local, non-recovery and resilience efforts can also help.

Traditional infrastructure (sea walls, etc.) is often seen as the principal driver of local recovery and of recovery success. By rethinking what we gain from our natural and social systems, we can start to reform recovery. If we consider things such as the eco-systems services co-benefits a modified recovery project could have, rather than only planning to put right what was damaged, we are on the path to smarter recovery. Another small change that can lead to improvements involves finding new ways to organize and incorporate existing local stewardship and advocacy groups into the recovery process. Connecting such stakeholders to national organizations with resources will further augment recovery gains.

Community resilience all starts with the insistence at the local level that including social and natural projects and programs is important to the long-term health and sustainability of a community before a disaster strikes. Doing this can open up funding opportunities not traditionally associated with disaster recovery. By broadening our definition of resiliency, adding to the systems we use to deliver aid, and rethinking who can and should be involved in planning for disaster recovery, we will have taken our first steps towards empowering citizens to have a more active role in protecting and enhancing their communities.

Heather McMillen

About the Writer:
Heather McMillen

Heather McMillen is the Urban & Community Forester with the Hawaiʻi Department of Land & Natural Resources.

Heather McMillen

Tending our gardens or testing our gardens?

Some of the most resilient communities I know are in places with little infrastructure. This struck me when I read about the City Resilience Index (a project supported by the Rockefeller Foundation), which highlighted how the utility systems and services in Arusha, Tanzania are unable to keep up with population growth, leaving water, sanitation, electricity, and other services challenged. Having spent some time in Arusha, I had a different perspective.

What would the world look like if we worked to solve problems by acknowledging local adaptations as social innovations?

I had observed the water and power going out and staying out for extended periods. I also observed that people seemed unfazed by this. They had reserves of water and fuel and were prepared with buckets, kerosene lanterns, and charcoal. They were familiar enough with their natural environments, despite being in a city, that they also knew how and where to find alternative sources of water and fuel. They had close connections to their neighbors and family members who functioned as support networks and shared and pooled resources. I thought about what happens when the water or power goes out in a city with remarkable infrastructure, such as New York, and how much more disruptive it is to daily life. Indeed, resilience is about more than infrastructure. It’s about relationships. What would the world look like if we worked to solve problems by acknowledging local adaptations as social innovations and/or part of existing and important social cultural norms? When we think about strengthening urban resilience, how can we recognize and build upon the flexible, innovative adaptations that many people live by?

Community-based environmental stewardship is an avenue for strengthening resilience because of its power to strengthen peoples’ relationships to place and to each other. An underlying hypothesis for my work is: strong relationships among people and place can promote community resilience because the feedback loops in tightly coupled systems are more effective at recognizing and responding to change. To strengthen community resilience through environmental stewardship, I believe it is important to:

Keep feedback loops and linkages in mind

These connections can be surprising. Liu and coauthors described the connections between the divorce rate in China and the degradation of panda habitat. My colleagues and I have written about how the experience of 9/11 affected and enhanced some communities’ ability to respond to Superstorm Sandy. Thinking outside the box, beyond the boundaries of the site and the community at hand, is critical. With a broad view, we have seen how the processes of creating and maintaining living memorials and community gardens helped stewards develop new or strengthen existing relationships at both the interpersonal level and the organizational level (McMillen et al. 2016). These become resources that are engaged in times of need.

Learn together

We need to broaden who we share experiences, insights, and lessons with about stewardship. We need to be open to other ways of knowing. This includes exchanges that are urban-rural, temperate-tropical, north-south. We also need to get better at listening to and learning from place (not just from people). This means being attuned to one’s environment, aware of its normal cycles and rhythms, and receptive to changes in those patterns. Learning together also means more cross-agency collaboration, including those that have not historically focused on greening or stewardship (e.g., FEMA). One local resident deeply involved in stewardship and disaster recovery suggested to me that FEMA recovery kits include planting materials and tools for communities so they can more quickly begin the work of re-greening together.

Engage the spirit

Although spirituality is typically left out of public discussions of environmental stewardship, for many people, these are inseparable. Spirituality is an important issue for resource managers and first responders because it can promote community resilience to cope with disasters and disturbances (Gómez-Baggethun et al. 2012; Berkes & Ross 2013). What if we more directly engaged or at least acknowledged the spiritual dimensions of environmental stewardship? Some of us are working toward this. In NYC, my colleagues and I described the material and verbal expressions of park visitors that demonstrated the value of urban green space for psycho-social-spiritual wellbeing (Svendsen et al. In Press). We have also documented how stewards of living memorial sites describe the therapeutic value of environmental stewardship. One woman reported “feeling good” through weeding, watering, and engaging in horticulture as a therapeutic outlet. Another steward referred to the sacred nature of the collaborative tree planting following 9/11, saying, “we were grieving. . . all of us felt like we needed to do something . . . Digging by hand was a manifestation of some kind of spirituality”. A better understanding of the sacred relationships with nature as a foundation for sustainable resource management and response to disturbance has great potential for strengthening stewardship specifically and resilience more broadly.

While communities I have worked with see the hypothesis I introduced above as an accepted truth, some of my colleagues question it because it has not been tested with an experimental research design. Is it enough to accept these other ways of knowing and proceed with a “no regrets” or “precautionary principle” approach that fully supports community-based environmental stewardship even if we have not rejected the null hypothesis that it does not support resilience? Or must this be proven in order to get the support of large agencies, institutions, and municipalities? If so, what would such a study look like? Would it be worth doing? Or shall we simply, in the words of Candide, “take care of our garden”?

Raul Pacheco-Vega

About the Writer:
Raul Pacheco-Vega

Dr. Raul Pacheco-Vega is an Assistant Professor of Comparative Public Policy at CIDE in Mexico. Raul’s research is interdisciplinary by nature, lying at the intersection of space, public policy, environment, and society. He is primarily interested in understanding the factors that contribute to (or hinder) cooperation in natural resource governance.

Raul Pacheco-Vega

When I think about resilience, I think of the work of Buzz Holling and Lance Gunderson, who coined the notion of panarchy. This concept borrows heavily from the biological sciences’ literature and offers a framework to think about how we approach external shocks and their impact on living organisms within an ecosystem of interest. According to the panarchy conceptual framework, systems can withstand external shocks by adapting through periods of slow and fast change. Different components of the system have different roles in this adaptive process, and operate at various scales.

We need to think beyond climate policy and create an integrated urban development set of policy tools, programs, and projects that will then build resilience.

Resilient organisms are able to adapt to stressors by learning how to cope and survive. Applying resilience thinking to urban systems, in particular cities, has become one of the most exciting (although perhaps over-used) models of urban governance. Adaptive urban governance seems at times a fad in the literature on cities. Given the realities of climatic change, if cities aren’t able to adapt to global environmental change, they will face the stark reality of droughts, sea level rise, abrupt changes in weather conditions, floods, and others types of disasters. Thus, it is imperative for cities to develop the ability to protect their citizens from these external shocks.

There are several elements to applying resilience thinking to adaptive urban governance. First off, we need to think about intelligent urban design that allows for the creation of buffer zones, robust infrastructure development that can withstand extreme weather events, a population that is well prepared for disasters, as well as mechanisms for timely triggering and deployment of disaster response teams. If a city isn’t properly planned from the start, and has zero information about the degrees and types of vulnerability that it faces, this city will demonstrate very little capacity to adapt, and thus we can’t expect it to be resilient.

Secondly, properly implemented resilience thinking necessitates a long-range, long-term plan not only for disaster response, but for general urban planning. Much of what cities do at the moment when facing extreme climatic events is in response to the emergency at hand, but they tend to continue planning for horizontal urban expansion without sufficiently considering that the more extended and expanded the urban boundaries are, the more challenging it will become for disaster response teams to reach beyond the urban perimeter to the peripheries.

Third, resilient cities can’t solely be driven by climate politics at the domestic and international levels. I’ve often frowned at (and complained about) the notion that climate change is THE single most important and most relevant environmental issue facing our planet. The case of contaminated water in Flint, Michigan (and recent similar cases in Pittsburgh and other cities across the United States) have clearly demonstrated that cities face multiple challenges, and that they need to rethink their approach to urban governance AND solve multiple problems, instead of focusing on adaptive capacity to climatic change. If municipal water utilities are unable to provide safe drinking water for their communities, how able will they be to adapt to climatic change? I believe that in order for resilience thinking to be properly applied to cities, we need to think beyond climate policy and create an integrated urban development set of policy tools, programs, and projects that will then build resilience.

Only then can we start thinking about building community resilience. First, we need to galvanize communities to understand that the environmental challenges facing cities are enormous, and THEN we can expect them to collaborate with the government at all three levels across the country in the construction of a robust, resilient city-national strategy.

Renae Reynolds

About the Writer:
Renae Reynolds

Renae Reynolds is a Project Coordinator at the US Forest Service Urban Field Station in New York.

Renae Reynolds

Socially resilient people = resilient systems and cities

Drawing on the experience of the past year and 4 months, as a coordinator of a research project titled the Landscapes of Resilience, I begin my answer to this question by reflecting on what my notion of resilience was at the start of the position and how my understanding changed over time. The vision of resilience I began with was, indeed, one that encompassed physical infrastructural change. Thinking about the physical devastation to people and property in previous natural disturbance events such as Hurricane Sandy and Katrina quite reasonably led to an internal reaction that would call for the elevation of structures, a fortifying of systems; indeed, I could easily conjure up imaginative and innovative ways that cities could become resilient to future disturbance.

Levees break and barriers fail, yet what endures is the will and persistence of people.

However, that image was very quickly tempered by the reality and challenges associated with achieving such enormous transformations to our built environment here in the U.S., as well as globally—the current state of our infrastructure can attest to how tremendously difficult such changes would be. Two years prior to working on the Landscapes of Resilience, I took a trip to Rotterdam as part of a group of community-based organizations and urban planning students who would explore and engage the ways that Rotterdam—a city built on land reclaimed from the ocean—and its citizens live with water. That trip allowed me to recognize the kinship of Rotterdam to New Orleans; for example, both lie below sea level. Both owe their existence to massive technological inventions: levees in New Orleans, and polders, dikes, surge barriers such as Oosterschelde, and water plazas in Rotterdam. Rotterdam was not short on highly technological solutions to resilience. Yet these two cities have another thing in common; at times, all the technological know-how we can muster cannot withstand the immense power of nature. Levees break and barriers fail, if they ever get built at all. Yet what endures is the will and persistence of people and the social resilience that we must recognize, value, and cultivate in the future.

Understanding the social dimensions of resilience was the main objective in the Landscapes of Resilience initiative. I was not only a member of a research team engaging people who live on the peninsula between Jamaica Bay and the Atlantic Ocean in New York City—as a fellow resident in this vulnerable landscape, I shared a common identity with them. I was not there when Hurricane Sandy hit, but I understand the pinprick of anxiety in the back of the mind when one considers the potential for another storm of its magnitude. This common understanding is what framed my work with the group of gardeners and land stewards that the project engaged. Through close and constant contact, I began to understand the importance not just of the internal motivations one gardener might possess to keep gardening after disaster, but the equal importance of the relationships and social connections a group of gardeners forges among themselves, and how those relationships can be fostered through collective decision-making, how commitment to a common pursuit can develop mutual trust, and how that trust can allow people to go beyond their initially conceived realm of possibility. An intimate understanding and will to invest in and support the social dimensions of resilience is key to supporting readiness, response, and recovery from disturbance.

Hita Unnikrishnan

About the Writer:
Hita Unnikrishnan

A Newton International Fellow at the Urban Institute, The University of Sheffield, Hita studies histories of lost urban commons among the networked lakes of Bengaluru, India.

Hita Unnikrishnan

Urban planning and urban commons

As I am penning this piece, the population of the metropolitan south Indian city of Bengaluru, where I come from, is rather divided in their opinions on a burning question: whether a proposed steel flyover—supposedly to be built to global standards in a globalized city—is really that crucial to Bengaluru’s image. The flyover connecting some nodal regions of Bengaluru is to be built by sacrificing more than 800 old, often-irreplaceable trees.

Community-managed structures, whether conceived with resilience as a goal or not, are integral to building a city’s adaptability.

This is not a new phenomenon, however. Infrastructural projects have historically been undertaken at the cost of damaging the fragile urban ecosystem, often with little thought to how both humans and animals may be drawing benefits from what is scheduled to be sacrificed. Grandiose promises of replacing the lost ecosystem, frequently at other, more distant locations, are made (the plan for the proposed steel flyover claims it will replace the more than 800 trees estimated to be lost with over 60,000 ornamentals), but these rarely come to fruition in a city starved for space. Other such examples of urban planning include the colonially pervasive fascination with bourgeois notions of aesthetics and recreation over more utilitarian uses of lakes and similar water bodies, modern privatization of those very lakes, and the chopping of old, valuable trees for projects such as the widening of roads. All of these activities share the hallmark of being non-inclusive and are potentially worrying in a city ill prepared to deal with adversity. For instance, Bengaluru today relies on water pumped from the river Cauvery, over 100 kilometres away, greatly reducing its water security. There exists an implicit notion that decision-makers know what is best for the city, as opposed to citizens who live and make a living out of the very resources that are being ill managed or sacrificed.

figure-1
A thriving home garden in one of the slums of Bengaluru—the plants grown include vegetables, fruits, ornamentals, and medicinal plants, as well as those that are culturally important. Photo: Hita Unnikrishnan
figure-2
A community well in a slum of Bengaluru—serves to meet domestic purposes of families living in the locality. Photo: Hita Unnikrishnan

Yet, if one were to be a flaneur walking rather aimlessly, observing what the streets of the city—both the old as well as the new—have to offer by way of visual experience, it is not hard to spot examples of communities nurturing and caring for nature in their own ways. While not on such large scales as the proposed infrastructural advancements, these relics of engagement with nature can nevertheless make one realize the immense potential of community-led stewardship in enhancing resilience of the city. For example, in walking through some of the more densely populated slums in Bengaluru, one would be hard-pressed to find a single home devoid of greenery in the form of medicinal or ornamental trees and shrubs, as well as those holding cultural significance. For many of these marginalized residents, these plants provide a first step towards treating minor ailments such as cuts and burns as well as for serious illness.

figure-4
An Ashwathkatte—a form of urban commons consisting of a raised platform with two peepal trees (sometimes also associated with a neem) and used for religious purposes. Photo: Hita Unnikrishnan

Remains of old, magnificent, formerly community-managed wells that, in some cases, still provide water to nearby localities, attest to the former success of these structures in enhancing the water security of the city. As our research has shown, the heart of Bengaluru once boasted over 1,500 wells, which have sadly dwindled down to about 49 (as of 2014) because of the pressures of urbanization and development. Remnants of urban commons such as village forests as well as communal grazing lands also provide a much needed green oasis in the concrete dominated city. Once managed by communities, with informal rules and regulations governing their access and use, they are integral to providing both utilitarian benefits to people as well as in sustaining local biodiversity and microclimates. In other words, community-managed structures such as these, though not conceived with the direct intention of enhancing urban resilience, nevertheless are integral to building the city’s adaptability.

Still, despite their critical roles, such spaces remain largely ignored by developmental processes, and far removed from the consciousness of larger urban populations. Thus, change must be brought about by factoring in the role of such urban commons in enhancing the strength and capacity of the city to withstand adverse changes—both at the level of urban populations as well as in larger processes of urban planning.

Paula Villagra

About the Writer:
Paula Villagra

Paula Villagra, PhD, is a Landscape Architect that researches the transactions between people and landscapes in environments affected by natural disturbances.

Paula Villagra

Resilience is also about binding and inclusive planning tools 

Urban planners should consider facilitating access to diverse ecosystem services, particularly in coastal areas, which are characterized by a rich diversity of natural resources useful for mitigation, regulation, provisioning, and restoration purposes. However, natural resources outside and within urban areas have been largely overlooked in urban planning and are often unregulated due to the limitations of regulation plans that function only up to the urban edge. Outside such political borders, rural areas lack regulations that can enhance recovery from disturbances.

Land use planning must accommodate specific land use types, such as urban wetlands, to increase community resilience.

This issue has been observed widely in Chile, were I developed studies on this subject and found that there are no statutory planning instruments to regulate land located outside of urban areas. This is especially problematic for enhancing coastal resilience, since many relevant natural resources are often located adjacent to coastal settlements but outside urban boundaries. For example, wetlands and dunes that act as flood buffers; forest and prairies that can provide food resources; and nearby hills that give refuge and security typically exist outside urban areas and within natural environments that cannot be regulated in a binding way.

We have also found that natural resources within urban environments have a restorative potential that is crucial for recovery in disaster-prone environments. For example, urban wetlands, including water presence, open space, and landscape design interventions, can be restorative to people subjected to a high level of stress after disaster. Hence, access to natural restorative environments may be crucial in cities prone to earthquakes and tsunamis, since catastrophic events can change one’s relationship to the landscape, with important implications for health and well-being. However, urban pressures often threaten the conservation of nature within urban areas. The need to build new highways and to increase housing provisions, and changes in land use that promote urban density, deteriorate urban nature as well as people’s relationship with it. This occurs due to the lack of regulations that specifically consider, for example, urban wetlands as a specific land use within urban planning. In the case of Chile, urban wetlands fall within the category of green areas, and thus lack the adequate regulation both for their conservation and for their use in recovery after a disaster.

Natural resources that provide buffers, food, water, refuge, security, and restoration after a disaster, within and outside of urban areas, need to be urgently acknowledged, considered, and protected through statutory urban planning documents at regional and local scales to improve community resilience after disturbances.

Karen Zumach

About the Writer:
Karen Zumach

Karen Zumach is the Director of Community Forestry for the non-profit Tree Trust, whose mission is to improve the community environment by investing in people.

Karen Zumach

North Minneapolis, May 22, 2011

The streets of North Minneapolis were once graced with a tree canopy that rivaled other parts of the city. People purchased homes in North Minneapolis because of the large trees that lined the streets. Beneath the amazing canopy, there grew an ever-larger disparity between those that have and those that have not. Once a burgeoning oasis for the middle class, North Minneapolis, a section of the city bisected by more than just a major highway, has also become the de facto “forgotten side of town”. Crime rates are high there. Poverty is more abundant. Houses are now owned by people who don’t live in them and the neighborhoods here have changed.

In North Minneapolis, the community views replacing the trees lost in a 2011 tornado as a duty. It’s about their community.

On May 22, 2011 the neighborhoods of North Minneapolis changed in a way that never could have been predicted. When the EF-1 tornado came through on that May afternoon, everything was altered. The green, leafy canopy that covered the societal issues of North Minneapolis was removed and people were forced to take notice. Resilience had been just a word to the residents and decision makers of this community. Now it had context. Community resilience came alive immediately after the storm: neighbors helped neighbors, people showed up. They were going to bounce back—together.

For me, the day after the tornado came through; I had to learn to talk about trees in a different way. Our organization had plans to plant trees that following week at an elementary school just on the outskirts of the path the tornado took. To the people (and most importantly, to the children) affected by the storm, they weren’t towering superheroes cleaning our air and mitigating stormwater runoff, sequestering carbon and keeping our homes cool. These trees that I revered had become weapons of mass destruction: destroying cars and homes and things that people relied upon every day. All I wanted to do was replant the trees—the sky in North Minneapolis was so big now, the residents there would be so hot in the summer, there would be no respite from the noise and the pollution and the concrete. But the residents of this area affected by the storm needed a roof that didn’t leak or a car that could take them to and from work. We all had to learn to talk about the recovery of this area in a different way. And we had to learn to wait.

thomas-ave-2010
Thomas Avenue N, Minneapolis, 2010.
thomas-ave-after
Thomas Avenue N, Minneapolis, 2015

Tree Trust began offering trees to residents impacted by the storm within months. At first, the interest was strong, especially amongst the residents that had minimal property damage but significant tree loss. Over 3,500 properties experienced some type of damage due to the storm. 6,000 trees were lost on public property and an untold amount was lost on private property. As I said, the sky became so big, and I just wanted to find a way to fill it.

Five years later, I feel like we’re able to talk about trees and their importance in our communities with these neighborhoods in a way we couldn’t before. Trees are missed now. The summers are hotter. The noise from the road is louder. Air pollution in this part of the city is being studied more and the results are making people take notice. For the people in these communities affected by the tornado, trees now matter. There have been over 5,000 trees planted in North Minneapolis since the tornado, many of them just starting to cast shade in areas where large trees once stood. It will be a generation before these trees are back to their reigning glory of covering the streets, cooling the homes and purifying the air as those did before the storm.

Tree Trust continues to offer trees to property owners affected by the storm. As each year goes by, we hear the stories: “We need trees”. Some residents want two trees, some want ten. Some know full well that they will never live to see their towering beauty, but they insist on planting because they know that someone planted the trees that graced their streets before the storm and it’s their duty to try to bring them back. It’s about their community.

Once the necessities are tended to—that is the time to connect with the communities more directly at the neighborhood huddles and church groups to talk about trees, while those who can recall the green, leafy streets and the feelings they induced are most able to talk about them and fight for their return. Their experiences of loss should not be understated and those are the stories that create the narrative of a community’s resilience.

Resistance, Education and the Collective Will of the Just City

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.

See the full list of Essays
Introduction, Toni L. Griffin, Ariella Cohen and David Maddox Tearing down Invisible Walls Defining the Just City Beyond Black and White, Toni L. Griffin In It Together, Lesley Lokko Cape Town Pride. Cape Town Shame, Carla Sutherland Urban Spaces and the Mattering of Black Lives, Darnell Moore Ceci n'est pas une pipe: Unpacking Injustice in Paris, François Mancebo Reinvigorating Democracy Right to the City for All: A Manifesto for Social Justice in an Urban Century, Lorena Zárate How to Build a New Civic Infrastructure, Ben Hecht Turning to the Flip Side, Maruxa Cardama A Just City is Inconceivable without a Just Society, Marcelo Lopes de Souza Public Imagination, Citizenship and an Urgent Call for Justice, Teddy Cruz and Fonna Forman Designing for Agency Karachi and the Paralysis of Imagination, Mahim Maher Up from the Basement: The Artist and the Making of the Just City, Theaster Gates Justice that Serves People, Not Institutions, Mirna D. Goransky Resistance, Education and the Collective Will, Jack Travis Inclusive Growth The Case for All-In Cities, Angela Glover Blackwell A Democratic Infrastructure for Johannesburg, Benjamin Bradlow Creating Universal Goals for Universal Growth, Betsy Hodges The Long Ride, Scot T. Spencer Turning Migrant Workers into Citizens in Urbanizing China, Pengfei XIE The Big Detox  A City that is Blue, Green and Just All Over, Cecilia P. Herzog An Antidote for the Unjust City: Planning to Stay, Mindy Thompson Fullilove Justice from the Ground Up, Julie Bargmann Elevating Planning and Design Why Design Matters, Jason Schupbach Claiming Participation in Urban Planning and Design as a Right, P.K. Das Home Grown Justice in a Legacy City, Karen Freeman-Wilson Epilogue: Cities in Imagination, David Maddox
4. Travis

What has happened is that in the last 20 years, America has changed from a producer to a consumer. And all consumers know that when the producer names the tune, the consumer has got to dance. That’s the way it is. We used to be a producer—very inflexible at that, and now we are consumers and, finding it difficult to understand. Natural resources and minerals will change your world. The Arabs used to be in the third world. They have bought the second world and put a firm down payment on the first one. Controlling your resources will control your world. This country has been surprised by the way the world looks now. They don’t know if they want to be Matt Dillon or Bob Dylan. They don’t know if they want to be diplomats or continue the same policy—of nuclear nightmare diplomacy. John Foster Dulles ain’t nothing but the name of an airport now…The idea concerns the fact that this country wants nostalgia. They want to go back as far as they can—even if it’s only as far as last week. Not to face now or tomorrow, but to face backwards. And yesterday was the day of our cinema heroes riding to the rescue at the last possible moment. The day of the man in the white hat or the man on the white horse—or the man who always came to save America at the last moment—someone always came to save America at the last moment—especially in “B” movies. And when America found itself having a hard time facing the future, they looked for people like John Wayne. But since John Wayne was no longer available, they settled for Ronald Reagan and it has placed us in a situation that we can only look at like a “B” movie.” Gil Scot Heron,  “B-Movie,” 1981

If the Negro is not careful he will drink in all the poison of modern civilization and die from the effects of it. Ultimately it will do us very little good to simply get more opportunities in the Global South or elsewhere if we do not ask ourselves and resolve the question, “Do we really want to continue to design while mimicking the kinds of socio-political society that marginalized us in the first place?” —Marcus Garvey 

To build a just city, we must turn to equitable social education as an alternative to police power, for such power will always tend towards corruption and abuse.
What makes great buildings, spaces and places? It is when those structures or spaces reflect and serve the people of the community for which they are intended. It is when they lift the spirit while providing shelter and functional use; when they foster positive aesthetic and tactile relationships between the buildings, spaces and/or places themselves and the people they are intended to serve.

I penned that statement more than 20 years ago at a moment when I was striving to define my practice as an architect and interior designer. It was relevant then and remains so today as we struggle to imagine a just city being born out of the troubled world we occupy today.

I grew up in Las Vegas, Nevada during the 1950s and ‘60s. Nowhere on earth, I am convinced, is there a clearer sense of injustice towards black and minority peoples—Native Americans, Mexicans, Jews and Mormons. I learned early that the real architects building community in Las Vegas didn’t have degrees, weren’t of pedigree and didn’t work in an ivory tower. Rather, they were those laborers, dishwashers, maids, porters and nannies of color who worked sometimes two or more jobs and still found the time to confront the challenges of building community in the city that scorned them. 

I never forgot the lesson of Las Vegas while attending and ultimately graduating from “majority” schools with two architecture degrees. Throughout these years of study, I never encountered peers or professors who seemed to know or care about the reality that I knew only too well.

Today my practice centers around culture, community and education—no doubt as a direct result of the revelations of my intuitive knowlege combined with the insensitivity of my formal training. I have heard, over the course of my 30 years of practice, many other black architects utter similar instances in their own lives—and more so than not I might add. Architecture remains one of the most segregated old boy professions amongst many in our present society.

The troubled composer and song writer Gil Scott Heron got it right in the 1980s, commenting on Ronald Reagan’s election, voting apathy and the politics of governance in the most powerful and advanced nation in the history of man, when he reminded us that one cannot make a “classic” out of a “B Movie.” 

Emergence of a viable model for a just city capable of serving a world population projected to rise to between 9 and 12 billion people (if not more) in the next 70 or so years must begin with a new way of existing as a collective humanity. 

As I have espoused before in lectures across the country, “The problem lies not in our abilities, but in our humanity.” What would it take to create a place where the rights of virtually every single citizen is not debated but guaranteed? A guarantee not mandated by laws, but by a collective will of the general populous as right and just and in the best interest of all who live in that community? How can a society realize and maintain a healthy sense of “justice” once conflict arises out of misunderstanding, personal or selfish interests?  What does resolution and mediation look like in a just city? Well, one vision of conflict resolution that comes to mind is this notion of instilling each member of the collective with a strong understanding of assured consistent justice for all. This can only be done through an early, open education that is offered to all coupled with development of accountable agencies equally representative of the populous.

In a review of Paul Chevigny’s book Edge of the Knife: Police Violence in the Americas,  Jerome H. Skolnick offers the following: “The dilemma of civil society is that the police are both essential and mistrusted, because they enjoy the power of exercising force. . . . Civil society has limited the legal powers of the police precisely because people mistrust and sometimes fear them.”

Skolnick then goes on to say, “At the same time, society must ask those whom we fear to protect us against criminals. That dilemma sets a challenge to a civil, liberal and democratic order. To achieve public safety we must offer the police instruments of violence. But we also need to develop institutions of accountability to limit inevitable abuses of legal authority, which will vary depending on the social order that we of the larger polity expect police to reproduce.”

To build a just city, we must turn to equitable social education as an alternative to police power, for such power will always tend towards corruption and abuse.

But we can’t stop with restructuring structures of power. As a trained architect, I am interested in defining intersections between design and culture. My teaching methodology explores justice and culture as potential place makers and form drivers along with issues of design.  This vein of exploration is the virtual key for conceptualizing and deploying design solutions in my practice and especially in my academic studio, where students often are exposed to cultures of color for the very first time. Providing a broader learning experience in design is the goal here.

All of the above comes into play for me when envisioning the making of a just city. I believe we must begin with two primary, essential ingredients, three foundational rights and a collective will. The first ingredient is resistance to the norms and practices that have so far prevented justice from prevailing. The second is a quality and equitable education that is free by right to the average citizen. 

Resistance

A true democratic vision for society is often blurred if not derailed by the very forces that are put in place to assure the viability of its survival.  Resistance, of the collective citizenry, enough to provide a pathway for a true democratic model to emerge, is the first and foremost of the two main ingredients. The philosopher Jiddu Krishnamurti made these remarks as he responded to a student’s question, “if everyone was in revolt, would there not be chaos in the world?”

“…Is the present society in such perfect order that chaos would result if everyone revolted against it? Is there not chaos now? Is everything beautiful, uncorrupted? Is everyone living happily, fully, richly? Is man not against man? Is there not ambition, ruthless competition? So the world is already in chaos that is the first thing to realize…It is only those who are in constant revolt that discover what is true, not the man who conforms, who follows some tradition…”

Inherent in the equation for defining the just city is confronting the unjust structures that make up our world and challenging them with a collective resolve. 

Education

Resistance can only evolve if the average citizen has the tools and knowledge needed to advocate for meaningful change. The will of an educated citizenry is needed to protect the rights of the collective. Only with a quality education guaranteed to each of its citizens can a community begin to value those social obligations that are the cornerstones in the construction of the just city.

This right to a quality education for all cannot be shifted, modified or changed in any way that could diminish its power. However this initiative also should not be and cannot be mandated in a just city. Today, U.S. schools are more segregated than they were in the late 1960s. Three generations after the Supreme Court’s landmark decision Brown v. Board of Education, black children still attend separate and unequal schools. As this failure of our legal system demonstrates, the right of everyone to a quality and free education cannot be set in motion through government. Rather, this understanding must lie in the hearts of the collective.

“We must create immediately an atmosphere of freedom so that you can live and find out for yourselves what is true, so that you become intelligent, so that you are able to face the world and understand it, not just conform to it, so that inwardly, deeply, psychologically you are in constant revolt,” says Jiddu Krishamurti.

The educational system of the just city must be representative and inclusive as must be all other systems. Children need to see faces that look like their own in the defining, governing, designing, construction and maintaining of the places and spaces that they live, work, play and grow.”

Foundational rights of the just city

 Citizens are guaranteed the basic human services for quality of life liberty and the pursuit of happiness, such as quality air, clean water, nourishing food, proper clothing and adequate shelter.

—Individual rights are not mandated by law. Rather, they are supported by an informed leadership ably prepared to make compelling arguments to a well-educated general populous which can understand the plight of others and empathize with them.

—Diversity is respected while at the same time there is an understanding of the value of collective identity.

The collective will of the Just City

—Works tirelessly in maintaining a proper balance between economic, political, social and ecological concerns.

—Understands the importance of having a political consciousness that supports progressive movements at national and local levels toward respect for others and greater equality.

—Assures all its citizens equity in representation across the boards and at all levels.

—Seeks a balance between economic growth and social obligation.

—Assures allocation of adequate resources for desired outcomes.

—Supports a system of maintenance and of checks and balances that is clearly understood and respected.

—Maintains a high respect for maintenance, accountability and stewardship of the planet and all its living inhabitants.

Towards the just city of the future 

Any society is only as strong as its average citizen. With that in mind, life in a just city will focus more on the health, safety and welfare of the average citizen than on the elite. A just city is a “bottom up” proposition where the majority of the citizens are well-educated. In this model, the average citizen is informed, empowered and has a clear understanding of a broader sense of purpose amongst a wider diversity of community inhabitants. 

Whether or not we will be able to strive towards the highest ideal of a just city is largely a question of our humanity. It is up to each of us to determine whether we are up to the challenge. 

Jack Travis
New York

 

The Just City Essays is a joint project of The J. Max Bond Center, Next City and The Nature of Cities. © 2015 All rights are reserved.

 

Resolving to Act After the 2016 U.S. Election and the United Nations Climate Conference

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.

We attended the 22nd session of the United Nations Climate Conference (also called COP22) as “Observers” in the immediate aftermath of the U.S. 2016 presidential election. Since 1995, the COP has served as the annual UN climate conference, providing an opportunity to assess progress, negotiate agreements, and disseminate information regarding global climate change action. This year’s COP was simultaneously exhilarating and uplifting, a message that we are determined to bring home to a country still reeling from an election that has elevated someone who called climate change a hoax to our nation’s highest office.

At COP22, even the recent election of Donald Trump could not quash the sense of momentum building around widespread action on climate change.

Thanks to its official Observer status, our employer, Drexel University, was one of hundreds of civil society institutions from around the world permitted to send a delegation to the two-week meeting in Marrakech, Morocco (7-18 November 2016). Our Office of International Programs and our Institute for Energy and the Environment sent an envoy of 10 faculty and students to this meeting, five each week. Our role as “observers” was none other than to attend the various summits, official meetings, and side events and to report on the actions that nation-states, indigenous peoples, businesses, mayors, and individuals are taking to address the challenges posed by climate change. We networked with other civil-service institutions, conducted an informal survey, listened to talks, and were interviewed by National Public Radio (11/21/16, State Impact NPR, “Pennsylvania Academics Find Inspiration at Climate Conference”).

A scene from COP22, held in Marrakech, Morocco. Photo: Franco Montalto

The ongoing actions being discussed in Morocco would not have been possible if not for the historic agreement reached last year in Paris at COP21. The so-called “Paris Agreement” represented the first time that world leaders achieved global consensus regarding the need to work collaboratively to hold future global temperature increases to under 2 degrees Celsius. Over the last year, national governments had to formally ratify the agreement. Only 55 countries, accounting for 55 percent of global greenhouse gas (or GHG) emissions, needed to formally ratify the historic agreement for it to go into force; however, according to U.S. Secretary of State, John Kerry, speaking at the meeting in Marrakech, more than 109 countries—collectively responsible for 75 percent of global GHGs—had already signed prior to COP22, a much faster pace of ratification than anyone expected. Clearly, the need for global climate action has become a widely-held international value, shared not just by scientists and environmentalists, but also by governmental leaders, their rank and file governing bodies and agencies, and the private sector, whose interests underlie many political decisions.

With the signed agreement in force, conversations in the restricted Blue Zone of this year’s COP, focused on implementation strategies, identifying knowledge gaps, networking, and financing. The various meetings highlighted the efforts that individual countries have undertaken to identify the sources of their existing emissions, and gave them a platform to articulate their specific strategies for achieving their nationally determined contributions (or NDCs) to global GHG emission reductions. Discussions also addressed how specific countries, cities, and other sub-national actors are planning to nurture, manage, or shape forecasted economic and population growth, peacekeeping, and advances in human rights while keeping their emissions under control. Again according to Secretary Kerry, each nation is now in the process of developing its own plan, tailored to its own circumstances, and according to its own abilities. It is an example of common but “differentiated responsibilities”, with the most vulnerable nations being helped along by those most equipped to address this challenge.

In the publicly-accessible Green Zone of the meeting, attendees were largely focused on the role that the private sector and civil society can and must play. In small and large booths, vivid displays highlighted everything from the voluntary emission reduction goals of large multi-national corporations to small-scale entrepreneurial efforts to innovate new ways of deriving fuel from waste, or to create new market opportunities for existing technologies such as the “Nigerian Refrigerator,” which can cool a pot of fruit from 40°C to 4°C relying solely on evaporative processes. The Green Zone included interactive meetings where individuals could spontaneously join group discussions focusing on climate justice, racism, and other struggles intimately related to climate change. It also featured an international, socially-engaged art exhibit.

Photo: Franco Montalto

Marrakech, a beautiful city situated at the foot of the Atlas Mountains and at the edge of the Sahara Desert, was the perfect backdrop for this kind of multi-faceted exchange of ideas. Each day, as our group walked through its central square, the Jemaa el-Fna, a dynamic urban space packed with storytellers and snake charmers, musicians and dancers, traders and merchants, street food vendors, and children, we thought, what better setting to host the growing cross-cultural, global dialogue regarding the planet’s future? The square’s air is full of smoke, smells, sounds, and slang; its perimeter is lined with shops, rooftop restaurants, and street-level cafés. A vibrant, multi-actor, pulsating center of contrasts between old and new, of negotiation and of barter, it represents, in miniature, what is now happening on the world stage between global leaders, policymakers, entrepreneurs, and other vested individuals.

But what was most exhilarating to witness was how integrated the global response to climate change has become inside other contemporary efforts to improve the human condition. COP22 is just the most recent of a historic string of new pacts and agreements that will collectively guide the next phase of global human development. It began in 2015, when the United Nations officially replaced its Millennium Development Goals (or MDGs) with 17 Sustainable Development Goals (or SDGs), and 169 carefully articulated and intimately-related targets. The SDGs point the way to the next wave of progress on poverty alleviation, environmental protection, and the spreading of economic prosperity. A few months later, in March 2015, and at the request of the UN General Assembly, the Sendai Agreement for Disaster Risk Reduction—another global pact focusing on resilience and reducing the impacts of disasters on lives, livelihoods, health, and economic, physical, social, cultural and environmental assets—was adopted. The Paris Agreement was signed on December 12, 2015, and went into effect less than one year later on 5 October 2016. On October 15, 2016, after the conclusion of all-night negotiations in Kigali, Rwanda, an agreement was reached to limit the use of hydrofluorocarbons (or HFCs) resulting in the largest potential temperature reduction ever achieved by a single agreement, as much as 0.5 C. Later in October of 2016, in Quito, Ecuador, the United Nations Conference on Housing and Sustainable Urban Development (called Habitat III) concluded with the adoption of the New Urban Agenda, a document that establishes new global standards for sustainable urban development, focusing on the collaborations necessary to more sustainably build, manage, and live in cities.

The “conversation” in Marrakech focused on how policymakers, planners, designers, business leaders, and individuals from all corners of the globe can integrate all of these different goals and aspirations into actionable initiatives at local, regional, national, and international scales. How can we design safe, accessible cities, with low-carbon transport systems, stable governing bodies, and equitable access to resources? How can we re-imagine our coastlines as multifunctional living landscapes, equipped to adapt to rising sea levels, but also supportive of critical fisheries, emergent habitats, and other forms of biodiversity? Where and how, in geographical and economic terms, will we feed ourselves, live, earn a living, and play, as both the global and urban populations of the world reach historical proportions? What successful models have been piloted, and what can we learn from them? These and other related, intellectually stimulating, and fundamentally important questions were on the lips of just about everyone we bumped shoulders with on the sprawling conference grounds.

Personally, we were reassured to witness this important conversation elaborated in so many different ways, by so many different people, in so many different languages, at COP22, even as the U.S. prepares for a new president. President-elect Donald Trump’s dismissive rhetoric during the campaign, and the expressed views of many individuals he appears poised to appoint as part of his Cabinet, suggest that this administration may not instinctively understand the urgency of global collaboration on any of these issues. Where the Obama administration has lead, the incoming administration seems, at least initially, to want to close the door. Like many other Americans attending the meeting, we used phrases like “angrily charged” and “disillusioned, but determined” to describe our post-election feelings at a workshop organized at the conference by Mediators Without Borders (or MWB) as an outlet for attendees to express our emotional reactions to the election results, and to convert these into a constructive reorientation of our professional activities.

To elicit global perspectives on the election, our Week Two delegation designed an informal survey to conduct after the MWB workshop, as we circulated among the tens of thousands of conference attendees. It featured two core questions: “What was your reaction when you heard the results of the U.S. election?” and, “Do you have a message for the incoming U.S. Administration regarding climate change?” Though we would be remiss not to mention that among the conference attendees were certainly a small group individuals who were unsurprised, or even satisfied, by Mr. Trump’s victory, responses to the first question overwhelmingly reflected many of the same feelings of shock, horror, and devastation articulated in the MWB workshop. But regardless of their feelings about Mr. Trump, and without exception, respondents to the second survey question urged the President Elect to follow his predecessor’s example by collaborating with the international community on efforts to battle climate change and to also lead in related struggles for sustainable development.

Leaders from all levels of government have expressed the same sentiment, tinged with optimism that significant backpeddling may no longer be tenable. UN Secretary General Ban ki-Moon said he counts “on the U.S.’s continued engagement and leadership to make this world better for all…” Brian Deese, Senior Climate Advisor to President Obama, reported in Marrakech that for the first time in human history, carbon emissions are now completely decoupled from economic growth. And Jonathan Pershing, the U.S. Special Envoy on Climate Change, stated confidently that, “The transition to clean energy is now inevitable.” While we still have many profound challenges, “the momentum is insurmountable: there is no stopping,” he said. Indeed, the recent open letters from more than 300 companies and from 37 red band blue state mayors asking President-Elect Trump not to abandon the Paris Agreement is further evidence of the deep roots that this movement now has.

Franco Montalto (far left) and Hugh Johnson (far right) with representatives from Drexel University at COP22. Photo: Franco Montalto

For all these reasons, we returned Stateside full of renewed excitement, resolve, and hope. We are not naïve to the struggles we may have to face domestically, but we feel more energized, focused, and determined than ever before about the importance of the work we are all doing. The time to perfect our analyses, demonstrate our ideas, publish our work, talk to our neighbors, and to let our values drive our personal and professional activities is now. We must be the change and action that we want to see in the world.

This month, Drexel became the North American Hub of the Urban Climate Change Research Network. We have listed two preliminary goals to guide our activities: we will continue to generate and to disseminate scientific knowledge where it can inform sound decisions and policy, and to support our practitioner colleagues in their efforts to implement change. But in other contexts—ones where change must be catalyzed through other means—we are prepared to apply other forms of pressure, drawing from the enormous fountain of energy, creativity, and connections available to us through the growing international demand for climate action, social justice and sustainability. We invite you to join us as we transition from debates to determined action at all levels of our global community.

Franco Montalto and Hugh Johnson
Philadelphia

On The Nature of Cities

Hugh Johnson

About the Writer:
Hugh Johnson

Hugh has consulted on various aspects of renewable energy and energy efficiency for private, municipal, and federal clients. At Drexel, he contributes technical expertise and manages special projects.

Response and Recovery After the Deadliest United States Tornado in a Century

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.

On Sunday, 22 May 2011, a multiple-vortex tornado touched down shortly after 5:00pm and began to rip a path nearly a mile wide across Joplin, Missouri, through the town of Duquesne, and into the rural areas of Jasper County. The Storm was on the ground for 38 minutes and traveled approximately 16 miles.

Joplin’s redefinition results from the large number of community members and volunteers driven by passion and kindness to rebuild.

22 May 2017 will be the sixth anniversary of the tornado and, as I have done every year since the storm, I will attend the community ceremonies remembering the event at Cunningham Park. As a leader of a volunteer group and a reluctant and unexpected repository for survivor’s stories, I would like to share my observations of this community’s successes in response, recovery, and stewardship in the aftermath of the deadliest tornado in a century.

When the monster had lifted, nothing vertical was left. 161 lives were lost; over 5,000 homes and 3,000 businesses had been destroyed.

What happened next was what then-City Manager Mark Rohr described as “The Miracle of the Human Spirit” [i]. The people of these communities lifted themselves out of the rubble, dug their neighbors out, and began the process of helping themselves and one another.

Within minutes, first responders sprang to action and volunteers outside of the tornado zone rushed to aid. And at lightning speed, the radius from which the volunteers came to support the devastated city grew from across town to across the world.

Professionals from a neighboring city lend their expertise

The diversity of volunteers and the talents they offered were wide and deep. On Monday morning, the day after the storm, architect Brandon Dake of Dake-Wells Architecture and American Institute of Architects (or AIA) Springfield, MO president, called four AIA members in Joplin to confirm their safety and to ask if there was anything AIA could do to help them. They said “Not yet, but we will eventually need help re-planning our city” [ii].

This early recognition of the need for collaborative planning to rebuild Joplin ignited the desire in Dake and members of the AIA chapter to take action. In a coordinated effort, architects, Joplin community leaders, and caring citizens gathered to discuss and create a conceptual plan for rebuilding Joplin. The result was a two-day, comprehensive master-planning event whose recommendations were later approved by the Joplin city council [iii].

Timeline of AIA’s involvement:

  • 2 months after the tornado, the City officially requested AIA’s assistance
  • 3 months later, an AIA workshop was organized
  • 3 months after that, the City approved AIA’s recommendations

The AIA invited over 100 professionals to the workshop and the sessions were open to the entire community. Forty-five professionals, city leaders, members of Citizens Advisory Recovery Team (or CART) and individual citizens attended.

Citizens of Joplin organize, take action, and lead

As Joplin leaders were organizing recovery efforts, CART, a team of citizens that had volunteered to help “Build Joplin Strong,” simultaneously organized and inserted themselves into conversations about recovery. Representing caring citizens, CART developed four teams: Economic Development; Schools + Community Facilities; Housing + Neighborhoods; and infrastructure & Environment.

CART heavily influenced the recovery and rebirth of Joplin. Stewardship from this group is alive today and has accompanied the efforts of Joplin leaders as they have navigated recovery and rebirth in a thoughtful, coordinated manner. A 13-page report of community objectives, “Listening to Joplin Progress Report”, was published in 2013 by the Citizens Advisory Recovery Team [iv]. The report shows healthy progress toward the ideas of recovery put forth by the community. As of the date of the report, most of the completed work has occurred in the infrastructure and environment sectors and the economic growth sectors.

AIA master planning charrette. Photo: Courtesy of Springfield, MO AIA
Community redevelopment proposal of medium to high density, walkable neighborhoods centered on mixed-use neighborhood centers (nodes). AIA master planning charrette. Photo: Courtesy of Springfield, MO AIA

 

By July of 2011, over 150,000 (registered) volunteers had come from across the country and the world to help Joplin in the recovery process. This unprecedented number of volunteers was always met with overwhelming gratitude from every Joplin citizen they encountered.

Stewardship from an unlikely source

In October of 2011, the ABC television network show Extreme Makeover: Home Edition executed a plan to create a second wave of volunteers in Joplin using the show’s “Seven Houses in Seven Days” series finale. Renewed attention and enthusiasm to help the still devastated community generated over 10,000 volunteers for the projects of the episode, as well as millions of dollars in donations for many projects outside of the Extreme Makeover’s scope during their 10-day build. In addition to building homes for seven families in great need, Extreme Makeover shepherded the reconstruction of Cunningham Park—the oldest park in the community, considered ground zero of the storm.

Extreme Makeover documented volunteers from all 50 states and many countries during the build. Volunteers included construction crews, companies, individuals, and impromptu groups such as the “The Mural Team”, an all-female volunteer group of friends from all across Missouri, who painted custom murals in each room of the 12 children of the featured families. Extreme Makeover and The Mural Team hoped the children would smile, finding comfort and security in their new rooms, which had been painted with an outpouring of love and compassion.

In Cunningham Park, three projects and 90 percent of the greenscape were restored, providing relief to the community from the grayness of the land that had been in the tornado’s path, which had been scraped bare during cleanup from the storm.

National corporate sponsors donated to two of the three Cunningham projects; the Drury University Design-Build Program and its architecture students led a third project in partnership with Crossland Construction of Joplin. Over 30 sponsors and volunteer groups supported this team in collaboration with Joplin Parks and Recreation.

The project assigned to Drury Design-Build by the City Manager of Joplin was to design and build a tribute to the volunteers that had come to mean so much to the community. The Volunteer Tribute [v], came to have four concentric rings, representing the four phases of recovery as defined by Mark Rohr, City Manager [vi]. The design also included a butterfly mosaic and touch pedestals of “shards of people’s lives”[vii] put back together in a meaningful way [viii], and a six-foot, stainless steel replica of the wristbands worn by volunteers is inscribed “Miracle of the Human Spirit” [ix]. Bronze tools located within the rings represent the volunteers that helped through all four phases of recovery. In honor of the stories told by many children of butterflies helping them during the storm, a butterfly mosaic sits at the centroid of the garden.

The Drury Design-Build team consisted of 38 architecture students, five professors, many staff, and volunteers of the first-ever Drury SmartMob! A Flash Mob with Purpose [x]. Similar to the spontaneous appearance of a flash mob, volunteers were given clues about the nature of the service project for weeks leading up to the project through social media. Yet, the task of laying 26,000 sq. ft. of sod at Cunningham Park during the Makeover, was only revealed to the SmartMob! volunteers as they arrived at the park on buses. Energized by the opportunity to help, the 120-strong SmartMob! laid sod well beyond their goal in less than 45 minutes and kept greening the park until 90 percent of it was restored.

The Volunteer Tribute, Cunningham Park, Joplin, MO. Photo: Evan Melgren
Drury SmartMob! racing to lend a hand. Photo: Courtesy of Drury University

Joplin Parks and Recreation

Six city parks were destroyed during the storm—more than one third of the parks in Joplin [xi]. Driven to give the weary recovery team much-needed relief, Chris Cotton—a laser-focused Director of Joplin Parks and Recreation and recipient of the Missourian Award for his efforts on the night of the storm—led the proud and passionate Joplin Parks and Recreation department to rebuild not only the six devastated parks, but the entire park system to a grandeur greater than before the tornado. Today, the park system has sports fields, aquatic centers, memories, healing gardens, and amenities many cities in the Midwest would envy. Cotton has built a legacy that will touch and improve lives for decades.

A place for healing

While great attention and funding were directed toward reconstruction of the city in the first year following the storm, a collaborative from Cornell University, USDA Forest Service, Drury University, and Forest ReLeaf of Missouri were focused on developing a place for the people of Joplin to heal from the losses they experienced. Funded by the TKF Foundation, the collaborative, along with Cotton and the Joplin Parks and Recreation crew, developed the Butterfly Garden and Overlook, an open space, sacred place within nature to heal [xii].

The Butterfly Garden outlines three houses erased by the storm, and couples Worden’s four tasks of processing grief with four architectural elements that appear in all TKF Foundation-funded healing gardens. The threshold of the house symbolizes Worden’s accepting the reality of the loss; a labyrinth-like path supports processing the pain of grief; four sacred spaces tucked within nature become places in which those who need to heal can sit on a provided bench, write in a waterproof journal, and create a new world without what/who was lost; and the three dimensional tracing of the houses creates an enduring connection to what was lost [xiii][xiv].

Father and daughter at the water wall in the Butterfly Garden. Photo: Traci Sooter

Beyond the healing elements of the garden, there are seven stainless steel, student-designed storyboards that tell acts of heroism, children’s butterfly stories, storm statistics, and the intent of the space. A 26-foot concrete water wall is segmented into the 38 minutes the tornado was on the ground. At minute seven, representing 5:41 pm—when the storm hit Cunningham Park and St. Johns Hospital across the street—a void occupies the space. The concrete and stainless steel of the void is broken by the path of the tornado and becomes a water feature in a sacred space. An inscription on the back from a survivor reads, “The biggest and most disastrous moments in a person’s life can be the most defining of a person’s character and a person’s heart”. As you continue along the path, it becomes whole again, with a visible scar and a survivor quote that reads, “I just want people to know that we (Joplin) are strong”. A butterfly pavilion provides a comforting sense of surroundings within nature, shades a TKF-provided bench on one side of the water wall, and a student designed “healing” bench faces the “Hope” inscription on the other [xv].

Butterfly Garden and Overlook, Cunningham Park, Joplin, MO. Houses erased by the tornado are “penciled in” in black steel, creating an enduring connection to what was lost. Photo: Evan Melgren
House frame next to rebuilt home reminds visitors that this location was once part of a neighborhood. Photo: Traci Sooter

 

The void at minute 7 in the water wall. Photo: Evan Melgren
Reading a journal in one of the sacred spaces. Photo: Evan Melgren
Girl journaling in sacred space on TKF Foundation bench. Photo: Traci Sooter

 

Stewardship and Firesouls

Stewardship in Joplin, MO, came in many forms and at times through unusual collaborations. Individual citizens stepped up to do any and all things necessary to rescue and transition into recovery. External organizers and leaders executed planning meetings. Caring citizens organized as a group to steward the city through rebuilding. University faculty used courses to educate while helping the community. A network television show took passionate and caring employees and turned their talents and experience into large, impactful projects. Volunteers came from around the globe and kept coming long after anniversaries of the storm came and went. As of January 30, 2014, AmeriCorps had documented 182,044 volunteers. These are the stories of Firesouls [xvi].

TKF Foundation defines a Firesoul as “an individual compelled to share their vision of the healing power of nature. More than a caretaker, a Firesoul is a person driven by a passion for creating, maintaining and sharing the healing gifts of Open Spaces Sacred Places with others” [xvii]. I believe that the resilience of Joplin is a result of the large number of community members and volunteers who were driven by passion and kindness.

There are so many more stories of heroism, volunteerism, stewardship, and firesouls that will probably never be shared publicly—nevertheless, they exist tangibly because of the lives they have touched and the physical and emotional rebirth of the city they restored. The phenomenon of their actions, character, and heart was truly described well by Mark Rohr as The Miracle of the Human Spirit.

Miracle of the Human Spirit wristband sculpture. Photo: Evan Melgren

Traci Sooter
Springfield

On The Nature of Cities 

[i] Rohr, Mark, (2012), Joplin: The Miracle of the Human Spirit; Tate Publishing

[ii] Dake, Brandon. Sooter, Chikaraishi, Hedges. Architects as Leaders: Best Practices for Engaging Community after the Joplin Tornado. Building Leaders, American Institute of Architects National Convention, June 20-22, 2013, Denver, CO. [email protected].

[iii] Dake, Brandon. Sooter, Chikaraishi, Hedges. Architects as Leaders: Best Practices for Engaging Community after the Joplin Tornado. Building Leaders, American Institute of Architects National Convention, June 20-22, 2013, Denver, CO.

[iv] Citizens Action Recovery Team, (CART) accessed 3/30/17. http://joplinareacart.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/26/2013/03/CART-Report-Card-March-2013.pdf.

[v] The Volunteer Tribute. Drury Deisgn-Build. Drury University. Traci Sooter, Director, Nancy Chikaraishi, Keith hedges, Rufus Louderback. 2011.

[vi]  Rohr, Mark, (2012), Joplin: The Miracle of the Human Spirit; Tate Publishing

[vii] Chris Cotton 2011.

[viii] Sooter, Chikaraishi, Hedges, Drury University, Springfield, MO. www.drury.edu

[ix] Rohr, Mark, (2012), Joplin: The Miracle of the Human Spirit; Tate Publishing

[x] Drury SmartMob! A Flash Mob with Purpose. Drury University, Springfield, MO. Dr. Regina Waters. www.drury.edu

[xi] Fact Sheet – City of Joplin May 22, 2011 EF-5 Tornado. Page 1 of 9. Lynn Iliff Onstot. Public Information Office 602 S. Main Street, Joplin, Missouri 64801.

[xii] TKF Foundation.

[xiii] Worden, J. W. (1991). Grief counseling and grief therapy: A handbook for the mental health practitioner (2nd ed.). London: Springer.

[xiv] Landscapes of Resilience team, TKF Foundation. http://naturesacred.org

[xv] Sooter, Chikaraishi, Hedges, Architectural Design IV students. www.drury.edu

[xvi]  Fact Sheet – City of Joplin May 22, 2011 EF-5 Tornado. Page 1 of 9. Lynn Iliff Onstot. Public Information Office 602.

[xvii] TKF Foundation.

Restoration of Natural Ecosystems Makes Society Thrive

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.

Our planet is at a crossroads. The ecosystems that underpin our economy, well-being, and survival are collapsing, species are becoming extinct at an unprecedented rate, and climate change continues unabated.

To mobilize change, it is important to identify the financial returns of investing in nature.

In these times of change, nature-based solutions can offer a way of addressing growing challenges such as climate change (TNC, 2016), natural disasters, and food security. Nature-based solutions focus on protecting key ecosystems, and restoring ecosystems on a massive scale. Forests and other vegetation help stabilise slopes and therefore reduce the risk of landslides. Wetlands can help regulate floods. Nature-based solutions for sequestering carbon, such as avoiding forest loss, reforestation, investing in soil health and coastal ecosystem restoration, can bring us more than a third of the way to emission reductions needed by 2030 (The Nature Conservancy, 2016). Coastal vegetation and natural features, such as sand dunes, can provide protection from storm surges, strong winds, and cyclones. Healthy coral reefs have proven to reduce wave energy during coastal storms (IUCN, 2015). Following Hurricane Katrina, the US Congress approved US$ 500 million to restore and reconnect ecosystems around the Gulf Islands and in the Jean Lafitte National Park on the New Orleans coast. These types of interventions can help reduce the economic damage and loss of lives following disasters (IUCN 2015).

For the International Union for Conservation of Nature,  or IUCN, this is the moment for turning the sustainable development and climate goals, to which nations agreed last year, into action, and to use nature-based solutions to tackle common global challenges. It is the starting point of IUCN’s World Conservation Congress taking place in September 2016, which will bring top scientists together with world leaders and decision-makers from governments, civil society, Indigenous peoples, and the business sector to discuss the way forward.

Slowing the flow

Two-thirds of the planet’s terrestrial and aquatic ecosystems are now significantly degraded due to human activity (Global Environment Outlook, 2014). Wetlands, for example, are crucial for the provision of clean, useable water; they provide biodiversity and serve as natural buffers that reduce the occurrences of floods and droughts, as well as critical breeding and nursery grounds for aquatic and terrestrial species. Yet over the last century, an estimated 64 percent of wetlands have been lost.

Fishing, logging, mining, and agriculture are all pushing more and more species to the brink. Failing to account for natural capital is the quickest route to depleting the planet’s resources. And because so many businesses depend on nature, short-term stripping of the planet’s assets is accumulating a substantial backlog of risk for investors.

Europe and many other parts of the world face continued threat from extreme weather caused by climate change. Recent floods in France, Germany, and the Netherlands killed several people and cost millions. In Bavaria, the damage is already over €1bn and governments, insurers, and victims are struggling to find a solution to cover the expenses. The insurance industry indicates that the growing frequency of climate-related claims would result in higher claims and, ultimately, less affordable premiums (Crisp, 2016).

Compelling opportunities are available for restoring the natural strength of the planet for the benefit of people and cities and to counter the widespread degradation of our natural ecosystems worldwide. Speaking at the World Conference of the Society for Ecological Restoration last year, Professor Jungou Liu of the Beijing Forestry University explained that when he was assessing the status of the 50,000 rivers in China based on existing maps, he discovered that 28,000 had disappeared. Some had silted up, while others had dried out completely as a result of a growing population, increasing demand for water, urban development, and climate change.

Restoring the natural capacity of rivers to cope with floods via wetlands, floodplains, and riparian woodlands, can significantly lower the risk of flooding downstream and dramatically reduce the need to build costly concrete defences. Experiences from the River Devon Project in Scotland, set up by WWF Scotland with funding support from HSBC (Slowing the flow – natural solutions to flood problems, WWF Scotland), demonstrate that sustainable flood management can increase the storage capacity and resilience of rivers in wetlands and floodplains in an affordable way. Sustainable flood management approaches include:

  • Restoring natural dams – Planting native trees and managing woodland in upland gullies encourages woody debris to build up and restores natural dams and ponds, thereby reducing runoff effects.
  • Investing in the protection and restoration of wetlands – Wetlands are natural sponges that hold immense amounts of water and play a vital role in flood management.
  • Restoring natural river banks – Grazing along riverbanks increases erosion and coarse sediment build-up in the river, reducing the channel’s ability to cope with heavy flows during floods. Specific tree species, such as willows, create barriers, but also new habitats for wildlife.
  • Reconnecting rivers with their floodplains – Floodplains can hold colossal volumes of water and release them slowly as the river falls back to its normal height. When water slows down on floodplains, it deposits sediment on the land. This naturally fertilises the soils and prevents a build up of sediment in the river channel, increasing its capacity to hold water.
  • Restoring riverbank woodland – Riverbank woodland provides one of nature’s most valuable flood defences. In the fertile soil of the floodplain, native woodlands create a rich habitat full of wildlife. During storms, trees trap water, then release it slowly downstream.

Global targets for restoration

Target 15 of the Convention on Biological Diversity makes a clear commitment to restoring 15 percent of degraded land across the globe by 2020:

By 2020, ecosystem resilience and the contribution of biodiversity to carbon stocks have been enhanced, through conservation and restoration, including restoration of at least 15 per cent of degraded ecosystems, thereby contributing to climate change mitigation and adaptation and to combating desertification” —Convention on Biological Diversity

According to the CBD, restored landscapes and seascapes can improve resilience, including adaptive capacity of ecosystems and societies, and can contribute to climate change adaptation and generate additional benefits for people, particularly indigenous and local communities and the rural poor. While restoration activities are already underway in many parts of the world, the consolidation of policy processes and the wider application of these efforts could contribute significantly to the achievement of the objectives of the Convention. Furthermore, appropriate incentive schemes could reduce, or even reverse, degradation and deliver substantial co-benefits for biodiversity and local livelihoods.

In line with CBD Target 15, The Bonn Challenge is a global initiative for forest landscape restoration, which aims to restore 150 million hectares of deforested and degraded land by 2020 and 350 million hectares by 2030. According to estimates (FLR), achieving the 350 million-hectare goal could generate US$ 170 billion per year in net benefits from watershed protection, improved crop yields, and forest products, and could sequester up to 1.7 gigatonnes of carbon dioxide equivalent annually, all while reducing the current emissions gap by 11-17 percent.

As part of international action towards global climate targets, there is a growing recognition of the role of healthy ecosystems in increasing resilience and helping people adapt to climate change through the ongoing delivery of a range of ecosystem services. The discussions at the Climate Summit in Paris in December last year underscored that national governments and the private sector, as well as other key stakeholders from science and civil society, need to work together to act immediately. The UNFCCC has established a database on ecosystem-based approaches to adaption to capture some of the ways in which various types of ecosystem-based measures have contributed to several sectors, including livelihood sustenance and food security, sustainable water management, disaster risk reduction, and biodiversity conservation. One of the examples in the database is from the City of New Orleans, which faces a high risk of flooding, and has integrated the need for protection and restoration of wetlands around New Orleans as a feature of the City Masterplan. The intention is to restore wetlands using a combination of restoration of natural delta through building, marsh creation, and construction of water control structures to increase resilience.

Restoration’s return on investment

There is a clear need for a new financial system which recognizes nature’s enormous contribution to global economic growth and incorporates the full cost of generating wealth. This means bringing the world of nature conservation together with the financing and urban development sectors.

According to The Nature Conservancy, combining the climate mitigation benefits of natural climate solutions with their co-benefits can break through financing barriers by unlocking a more diverse group of investors and stakeholders who are interested in business and sustainability solutions beyond climate mitigation alone. To mobilize change, it is important to identify the financial returns of investing in nature. Several countries and cities around the world are demonstrating how this can work.

A study released by the Caribbean Catastrophe Risk Insurance Facility in 2014 indicates that damage from wind, storm surges, and inland flooding amounts to between 4 and 6 percent of the national Gross Domestic Product per year in Barbados and other Caribbean countries (IUCN, 2014). Early investment in climate resilience is more cost-effective than post-disaster recovery. According to the report, Barbados could avoid more than a third of expected losses by implementing risk mitigation initiatives such as beach nourishment and reef and mangrove revivals to reduce damage from strong winds and storm surge. Every dollar invested in the Folkestone Marine Park on the west coast of Barbados, for instance, could reduce 20 dollars of hurricane loss. This is why climate adaptation is a priority for national and local decision-makers, and explains why the United Insurance Company of Barbados is giving financial incentives for homeowners to put preventive measures in place (IUCN, 2014).

Other countries, such as Bangladesh, the Philippines, and Thailand, have become increasingly aware of the economic benefit of restoring lost coastal wetlands, discovering that it is much less expensive to protect existing wetlands than to replace them after they have been lost. Considering the costs associated with storm damage, the value of wetlands becomes clear; in Malaysia, for example, each kilometer of intact mangrove swamp is valued at US $300,000 for its role in flood and storm protection (De Vries, 2016). In Japan, following a major earthquake and tsunami in 2011, the government declared a plan for the expansion of its coastal forest national park in the form of Sanriku Fukko Reconstruction Park, with an estimated saving of more than JPY 2.5 billion (IUCN, 2015).

Naoya Furuta
A coastal forest national park in Japan. Photo: Naoya Furuta

Another example is Calcutta, India, where 8,000 hectares of wetlands help to treat the sewage from its 10 million citizens, reducing the need for constructing expensive treatment plants, while producing substantial amounts of fish and vegetables and multiple other benefits (De Vries, 2016).

One of the world’s most innovative urban wetlands can be found in Bucharest, Romania. Văcărești is a natural area of approximately 190 hectares with miniature lakes and wetland vegetation hosting over 90 species of birds and wild animals live. It emerged as a result of unfinished works for a hydrotechnical project begun by the Communist regime in 1986, and was established thanks to the support of a strong civil society movement.

Arhiva Adevarul
Văcărești, an urban wetland in Bucharest, Romania. Photo: Arhiva Adevarul

In 2013, Washington D.C., which faces major difficulties related to storm water runoff, developed a new idea to increase green spaces in the city through so-called retention credits. These credits are available to homeowners, churches, businesses, and anyone else with land that could be upgraded to retain more rainwater. The credits can then be sold to developers who may need them in order to meet the retention requirements for large new building projects.

These examples show that investing in restoration can bring multiple benefits that many cities around the world have not yet tapped into.

How to make restoration work? 

Since 1995, John D. Liu, an American filmmaker and ambassador to Commonland, has documented the rehabilitation of the Chinese Loess Plateau, a vast plain of approximately 640,000 square kilometres and the cradle of Chinese civilization. This area is approximately the size of France and stretches over seven severely degraded Chinese provinces. A range of measures of planning, policy, participation, and engineering measures, including afforestation; banning free range grazing and cutting trees; terracing; dune stabilisation; agroecology; and agroforestry have led to the transformation of degraded agricultural lands and deforested mountain slopes to lush farmland. According to Liu, ecological restoration presents the great work of our time. Through restoration efforts, we can create and continuously renew the atmosphere, hydrological cycle, and soil fertility, and naturally regulate the weather and the climate. At the same time, restoration returns habitats to their natural balance and allows natural genetic variety to reassert itself.

John D. Liu
Rehabilitation of the Chinese Loess Plateau. Photo: John D. Liu

One of the best ways to convince decision makers, politicians, business representatives, policymakers, and others that nature-based solutions such as these can work on a large scale is to demonstrate how it can be done and what it means for the community and local economy.

Better information sharing amongst the urban development sector, the environmental community and climate change policy makers, and the fostering of mutually beneficial partnerships and collaborations are also key to promoting nature as a solution for a wide range of societal challenges.

Furthermore, the scientific basis of nature-based solutions also needs to be strengthened to enhance the understanding of how natural infrastructure can complement engineered infrastructure and how it can be integrated into urban planning.

Locally relevant information on nature-based solutions, as well as technical support on integrating nature-based solutions into land-use planning, is also essential.

In order to make large-scale restoration credible and viable, we need new partnerships between governments, NGOs, conservationists, scientists, consumers, producers, urban planners, entrepreneurs and financing partners. Each partner holds a vital piece of the puzzle—the knowledge, the tools, the resources—and they need to be united.

Chantal van Ham
Brussels

On The Nature of Cities

References

Adams, J. (2016), This decade’s most important climate solution, The Nature Conservancy (for National Geographic). http://voices.nationalgeographic.com/2016/07/01/this-decades-most-important-climate-solution/

Convention on Biological Diversity, Aichi Biodiversity targets. https://www.cbd.int/sp/targets/

Crisp, J. (2016), Severe floods highlight climate change challenge for insurers and EU (for EurActiv). http://www.euractiv.com/section/climate-environment/news/severe-floods-highlight-climate-change-challenge-for-insurers-and-eu/

De Vries, Rick, H2Ozine, The dollars and sense of wetland preservation. http://funfrogcreative.com/h2ozine/the-dollars-and-sense-of-wetland-preservation/

Global Environment outlook 2014. http://www.unep.org/geo/

 IUCN, Issues Brief (2015), Disasters and climate change,Reducing the risk of disasters through nature-based solutions. http://www.iucn.org/theme/climate-change/our-work/iucn-unfccc-meetings/2015-paris

Murti, R. and Buyck, C. (ed.) (2014). Safe Havens: Protected Areas for Disaster Risk Reduction and Climate Change Adaptation. Gland, Switzerland: IUCN. https://portals.iucn.org/library/node/44887

The Nature Conservancy, July 2016, This decade’s most important climate solution, Justin Adams. https://global.nature.org/content/this-decades-most-important-climate-solution/?src=social.nature.facebook.main

WWF Scotland, February 2007, Slowing the Flow, A natural solution to flood management. https://global.nature.org/content/this-decades-most-important-climate-solution/?src=social.nature.facebook.main

Restoring Indigenous Trees for Scaling Up City Resilience: The Role of African Millennials

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.

Most of the narratives on the crises of development are woven around rapid population growth in developing countries. Yes. The number of world citizens is over seven billion. The challenges that this number raises far exceeds national and intergovernmental agencies’ abilities to address them. Rapid urbanization is but one of the key challenges in the developing countries.

It is crucial for municipalities in African countries and beyond to tap into millennials to achieve the SDGs. Millennials have the capacity and energy to engage their peers, younger and older generations who look up to their innovative energies, aspirations and commitment to rebooting environmental wellbeing and welfare.

Many scholars and researchers grasp some understanding of the extent of the speed of urbanization in developing countries through spatially explicit or discreet models that point out some significant changes. For instance, the disappearance of open and green spaces, encroachment of buildings on watershed areas increases social and biophysical vulnerability of urban areas. Such issues and challenges are often repeated discussions between policymakers, environmentalists, planners and other stakeholders. In most cities, people look up to governments for solutions to crises and vulnerabilities. Is the public sector—through the policymakers and decision makers—always the springboard of urban resilience? Considering the multiple dimensions of urban sustainability challenges in Africa, the answer is certainly no.

Kano in the 1950s—full of open and green spaces.
Kano today is dense.

Since the 1970s and 1980s the phrase “future generations” is clichéd in many environment and sustainable development circles. The unborn generations of the late 20th century were born into the world that is so much urbanized and replete with vulnerabilities, uncertainties, complexities and ambiguities that were well understood during the late 1970s through the dawn of the new millennium. This young generation of the new urban age are called millennials. There is an urbanized planet where resilience of its biophysical and cultural components is the only guarantee of its survival.

Many urban centers of African countries experience youth bulge and unprecedented youth unemployment. In many African countries the youth are marginalized and excluded from political and economic architectures in spite of their dominance in population pyramids of African countries. Indeed, a resilient city is one that promises the future of the young generation. While growing up, the young generation enrich their life-long experiences through their landscape experiences. Green areas and open spaces in many African cities provide the children with avenues for peer play and pastimes. Children gather fruits from trees, play with butterflies and insects and make some reptiles their pets. This is the ecological school that forms the life of the young generations.

Unfortunately, rapid urbanization and poor planning institutions in many urban areas in Africa has undermined the priceless ecosystem services that urban areas offer to the young generation. The young generation are not the only losers but they could be the most severely hit by several consequences of urbanization which may be exacerbated by climate change and poverty. Kano City in Northern Nigeria is one of the ancient pre-colonial African cities whose history dates back to the 10th century. According to some historical accounts, around the 16th century Kano was the third largest city in Africa after Cairo in Egypt and Fez in Morocco (Barau et al, 2015). The city is located in the West African drylands. It is prone to droughts and famine and yet it counts as one of the most resilient cities in Africa. Land management—through agroforestry—raising of trees in farm lands and institutional management of urban open and green spaces strengthened the attributes of the city’s resilience which has only waned and collapsed towards the last quarter of the last millennium.

In the nooks and crannies of Kano city Mr City Lab takes trees to their right places. Here the millennials visit Rimin Kira to drop silk cotton tree.

Prior to the two, back-to-back major international conferences, ISCC and Resilience 2017 held in Stockholm, Sweden, there was an effort to showcase innovative ideas that can support implementation of sustainable development goals (SDGs). The SDG Labs emanate from joint works of the Future Earth, Stockholm Resilience Centre and University of Tokyo.

Because urban Kano is at the centre of the storm of collapsing city resilience an idea of restoring local tree species through the efforts of millennials was proposed by the city’s Bayero University Kano. The proposal is tagged as MR CITY Lab an acronym for Millennials and Resilience: Cities, Innovation, and Transformation of Youths Laboratory.

MR CITY Lab, just like other SDG Labs, was selected based on its innovative attributes, primarily its focus on the younger generations as the driving force of restoring urban resilience through restoring the local tree species of the savanna. The friendliness and affinity between people and trees in urban Kano is unique and fascinating one. Many neighborhoods in Kano are named after different indigenous tree species (see Table). Linguists called the art and practice of naming places after some phenomenon as toponym. The neighborhoods that bear tree toponyms are centuries old. Unfortunately, in most of these neighborhoods one can hardly see any of these namesake local tree species. Even worse, young urbanites would tell you that they do not know and cannot even recognize such plants.

At MR CITY Lab, we believe that trees are important in helping cities and communities to realise SDG 11–Sustainable Cities and Communities and SDG 13—Climate Action and many targets under these the two goals. Our approach is practical. We used university student millennials to make contact with communities and subsequently introduce the tree species into the neighborhoods with tree toponyms.

S/N Places Tree species name Longitude Latitude
1 Rimi Market Ceiba pentadra 8.51573 12.0004
2 Rimin Kebe Ceiba pentadra 8.55131 12.0456
3 Rimin Gata Ceiba pentadra 8.44102 11.9715
4 Durimin Iya Ficus polita 8.52602 11.9909
5 Dorayi Babba Parkia clapatoniana 8.47656 11.9569
6 Dorayi Karama Parkia clapatoniana 8.4534 11.9643
7 Dorawar Yankifi Parkia clapatoniana 8.45558 11.9782
8 Chedi Ficus spp 8.51911 12.0018
9 Chediyar Yangurasa Ficus spp 8.51007 12.003
10 Kukar Bulukiya Adansonia digitate 8.50594 12.0113
11 Gawuna Faidherbia albida 8.55874 12.0328
11 Dan Marke Anogeissus schimperii 8.56879 11.9832
13 Mangwarori Mangifera indica 8.50271 11.9924
14 Gabari Acacia nilotica 8.512625 12.00223
15 Kurnar Asabe Ziziphus spina-christi 8.483041 12.05291
16 Giginyu Borassus aethopium 8.577825 11.99117
17 Tsamiyar Boka Tamarindis indica 8.568871 11.97791
18 Wali Mai Aduwa Cajanus cajan 8.484699 11.98801
19 Durumin Saude Ficus polita 8.514247 11.98523
20 Dorayi Parkia clapatoniana 8.522907 12.00171
21 Madatai Khaya senegalensis 8.514038 11.99687

Reintroducing local tree species has multiple socio-ecological and economic utilities. Most of the local tree species are nitrogen fixers that make them in part good for fixing nitrogen from urban air pollution. The presence of trees also improves the local microclimate by making the city cooler especially where the tree density is high. Compared to most exotic species the local species is adapted to dryland conditions, developing a long root system that goes deep below the surface. Hence, this root system growth aids soil aeration improves water infiltration and reduces flooding incidents.

Most of the trees that were restored are of immense economic importance and industrial utility. For instance, the fruits of Acacia nilotica tree are used in tanning hides and skin—one of the traditional industries in Kano. The city used to export tanned leather to Morocco and parts of Europe in the pre-colonial periods. The residue of the fruits from the tanning pits are used for fattening animals. On the other hand, the modern tanneries are powered by fossil fuels and depend on heavy toxic chemicals that pollute rivers and waterways both within and outside the city. Most of the trees that MR CITY is reintroducing to the city are beneficial to human health because their fruits, leaves and roots provide local foods, drinks and medicines.

The experiences of MR CITY attest to the power of youth in rebooting elements of urban resilience in Africa. The millennials have the capacity and energy to engage their peers, younger children and also the older generations who look up to their innovative energies, aspirations and commitment to rebooting environmental wellbeing and welfare. Thus, it is crucial for municipalities in African countries and beyond to tap into the hidden talents of millennials to achieve the SDGs.

Aliyu Barau
Kano

On The Nature of Cities


References

Barau, A.S. (2016) The Royal Bats of Kano City. https://www.thenatureofcities.com/2016/03/20/the-royal-bats-of-kano-city/

Barau, A. S., Maconachie, R., Ludin, A., & Abdulhamid, A. (2015). Urban morphology dynamics and environmental change in Kano, Nigeria. Land Use Policy, 42, 307-317.

Strain, D. (2017) Spotlight on SDG Labs: Trees grow in Kano. http://www.futureearth.org/blog/2017-aug-23/spotlight-sdg-labs-trees-grow-kano

 

Rethinking Cities as Vulnerable Ecosystems

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.
New long-term development plans that do not integrate management of potential future climate conditions will put many people in harm’s way. The task is nothing short of a complete overhaul in planning practice, and a deep integration of fields that are historically divided.
Cities are dynamic complex adaptive systems. They are a network of systems interacting and exchanging flows of energy, information, and materials, held together by a set of rules, based on millennia of ecological change and more recent governance structures. Dominant narratives and practices describe cities as human systems that are separate from regional (or rural) ecosystems. After all, cities can defy gravity and pool natural resources unlike any other ecosystem on the planet. As a result, many city practitioners view the built environment in isolation from the regional ecosystems, and the resulting development patterns and processes presume that the infrastructure, communities, and systems can withstand extreme events, including floods, fires, and heat waves.

However, climate change is now testing these assumptions by shifting local weather toward the unexpected, revealing a gap in what cities can withstand and the type, number, and magnitude of extreme weather events they will experience. The impact from hurricanes Harvey, Irma, and Maria, offer a sobering perspective on how the more predictable patterns of extreme weather events are changing, and how cities are indeed not isolated and that the built environment is highly vulnerable to impacts. Harvey and other events like it are occurring at a scale that we are currently unable to withstand or support. Climate models and scientists suggest that these extreme events are only the beginning of the shift we can expect for decades to come.

City planners are on the front lines of climate change adaptation, and their ability to implement effective changes, from policy and regulation to infrastructure and technology, will determine their city’s capacity to cope with the next big storm. Recent disasters are forcing an examination of how urban preparation, response, and recovery mechanisms require a redefining of cities as vulnerable ecosystems.

The task that city planners face is immense, and timing is critical because while we do not know exactly what or where, extreme weather is unavoidable, and will hit in unexpected places in unpredictable ways. With such immense uncertainty, planners and urban researchers must identify adaptation measures with the latest, yet incomplete understandings. These adaptations, many of which are still emerging, require however, recognition that cities are not monolithic, safe, and robust environments, and in fact may be the opposite. They are indeed vulnerable because they are places where social, technological, and biological components come together to impact human capacity to survive, particularly during extreme weather events.

Indeed, recent extreme events can be seen as justification for better integrating the functions of city offices—e.g., planning, transportation, parks, and emergency management—to couple changing social conditions, aging infrastructure, and advancing technology with the impacts of climate change. The processes that determine the prioritization and allocation of urban adaptation projects, i.e., protecting the historic downtown vs. a working-class community, partially determine who is likely to suffer most in extreme events. For example, why was there no city-assisted evacuation plan in place for the neighborhoods that were most impacted by Katrinai? How did the chemical plant explosions from Harvey impact those with the least access to or control over resources? These behind the scenes processes are often subtle and manifest institutionalized yet invisible processes of inequality such as bias, racism, and privilege though their outcomes.

To uncover some of these inconspicuous dimensions of prioritization processes for urban adaptation to climate extremes, we interviewed planners in five cities across the United States—Baltimore, Miami Beach, Portland (Oregon), Syracuse, and Phoenix—to identify the mechanisms that recreate, and potentially amplify social inequities. We wanted to know in detail why a particular event was impactful on the capacity of cities to withstand extreme weather events, and how current decision-making processes are interacting with the subtler forms of privilege that occur in city planning and politics. Although this research is in its early stages, we highlight a few key findings, which may help to shed light on preparation for the future extreme events.

The urban context matters

The complex development history of cities and the legacies inherited by residents and planners offer insights about the conditions that hamper urban climate adaptation efforts. These are, of course, unique circumstances for each city, consisting of powerful (empowered) individuals, institutions, and networks that lock-in development trajectories. For example, the development of Baltimore is facing entirely different issues than Miami Beach, and factors that go beyond biophysical and locational differences. While Baltimore was shaped by legacies of policy-supported racial segregation, Miami Beach arose as a tourism resort community, which arguably amplifies economic segregation between the new arrivals and those early European settlers. The heat vulnerability differential in Phoenix, where neighborhoods just two miles apart can experience a 13-degree temperature difference, can be partially explained by how the city grew and where immigrant communities live. Many former immigrant communities in Phoenix still have virtually no tree cover, making them some of the hottest and most exposed neighborhoods in the city.

The intersection of economics and vulnerability is particularly acute in North American cities. Miami Beach and Baltimore, are both threatened by rising sea levels and storm surges, yet Miami Beach is advancing adaptation responses, including major engineering projects to raise roads, houses, and whole neighborhoods, while Baltimore is expanding development on the flood plain because those areas provide developers the greatest return on investment. Since people who can afford the waterfront may also have greater access to government decision-making processes, owners of properties vulnerable to sea level rise can lobby city officials to fund protection systems. Instead of adaptation project money going to areas with long-standing social vulnerabilities due to processes (e.g., segregation) largely outside of residents’ control, limited city dollars may wind up supporting wealthy neighborhoods where residents choose to put their lives and property at higher risk. We learned that such trade-offs are occurring regularly in cities. In the Portland, Oregon area, a series of storms and consistent rainfall over two months in 2015 created landslides and road washouts that were largely in wealthier neighborhoods, and further impinged on the budget for important, but less critical, transportation infrastructure improvement projects that may be necessary in potentially less privileged areas of the city.

Rethinking “extreme events”

The aforementioned rain in 2015-2016 was the wettest winter ever in the Portland area, with over 25 days of consecutive rain. While not normally thought of as an extreme event, the rains caused flooding, landslides and other small localized problems ensued. We learned that these unusual or unexpected events are forcing planners into uncharted territory. Practitioners are now considering the cumulative effects of more frequent and intense, yet expected, weather (e.g., more rain, more days over 90 degrees). Duration and timing are becoming increasingly important aspects of weather. The planning moniker of “plan for the norm” is giving way to “prepare for the extremes”. Yet, environmental protection regulations and design guidelines still operate based on 100-year storms and utilize combined sewer overflow for storm events, and these policies are quickly outdated. In fact, interviewees suggested that annual seasons are shifting, where “summer” was characterized as 1 May–31 October, and “winter” from November 1–April 30, though if October becomes a winter month, as precipitation patterns already indicate, then compliance failures will likely occur, when combined storm and sewage flows increase. Governance planners will have to rewrite, indeed rethink, the regulations and re-allocate resources appropriately, which is a technical, economic, environmental, and political process.

Impacts on urban infrastructure

Practitioners in Syracuse, New York have jokingly said that Syracuse is one of the few beneficiaries of climate change due to the increase in pleasant, warm, and sunny days that have chased some of the rain clouds south. Climate change brings with it greater warmth to the northern areas, though it also brings extreme events, which they are experiencing as shifts in seasonal predictability. The 2016-17 winter in Syracuse was the “craziest winter” residents have ever experienced. In February, temperatures went up to 72 degrees (F) but dropped to 0 in March with a heavy snowstorm to boot. Plow drivers, who are normally employed through the winter were let go in February when winter seemed to be over. As a result, the snowstorm in March was met with a very sluggish response, which had rippling impacts throughout the social and economic fabric of the city.

More importantly, a record number of water main breaks in the city due to the recurring freeze-thaw cycles required the replacement and repair of the piping, which reveals a serious issue facing most of America’s cities: aging and inadequate critical infrastructure. These changes after the 2016-2017 winter in Syracuse have, however, made the city’s water infrastructure better able to withstand future temperature variability. City infrastructure, such as water and sewage, roads, rail and bridges, and electricity, are vulnerable to the specific policies and regulations that do not consider the increasing frequency, magnitude, and duration of extreme weather events. As weather patterns shift in unexpected ways, critical and secondary infrastructure will likely fail without intensive retrofitting. But city planners told us that their budgets are already thin, and funding for these projects is scarce, and likely not forthcoming.

Coinciding events create extreme conditions

In June of 2012, the surprise for Baltimore was not increased heat, which they expected, but wind, which they did not. The event that most stood out was what is called a “derecho”, a strong sustained and straight-line moving windstorm that occurred during a summer heat wave. Heat, as is becoming more widely understood, is the deadliest of weather conditionsii. City residents depended on air conditioning, fans, and cooling centers during the prolonged heat wave, when strong winds downed power lines across the city. How well residents weather a heat wave often correlates with measures of social capital, poverty, age, and raceiii. But this storm was indiscriminate, and high health risks reached across race and class lines. While food rotted in refrigerators, city residents sweated in the dark. With elevators frozen, people in high-rises became stranded in the unrelenting heat. Emergency management procedures and resources were not prepared for this kind of eventuality, and the city was hard-pressed to identify critical problems and act effectively, with lives in the balance. Much then depended on the social capital of individuals and families that can offer greater support during these extreme events.

Going forward

These select examples from the planners we interviewed suggest a need to reconsider the dominant narrative of city planning. What might be the advantages of considering cities as ecosystems that are vulnerable to climate change impacts? If we continue to think about cities as refuges to protect, then we will imagine higher walls, thicker levees, and technology that further separate humans from the ecosystems upon which we depend. But if cities are ecosystems and indeed complex and adaptive, then vulnerability becomes a product of the network of systems interacting and exchanging material and non-material goods and services. If we can think in terms of interaction, then we can imagine the complex exchanges that exist between a city and the weather patterns of the region and that the nature of those exchanges creates and define the city’s resilience to weather extremes. Adaptations, then, must mimic the complexity by addressing vulnerability and building resilience using a multiple-interacting criteria approachiv.

Permeability becomes an important organizational concept as we think about building resilience into cities. Permeability because, similar to ecosystems, attempts to wall off or close the flow of goods, services, information and other elements will increase vulnerability and likelihood of harm. Each city, as such, increasing its vulnerability as a result of greater isolation (less permeability) and increases the risk from extreme events. These must be addressed through the city’s cultural, political, and economic capacity. The cities we spoke with are well into this process. Like the concept of permeability, the following five themes were developed through our discussions with lead environmental planners. While not comprehensive, these themes are shaping the current practitioner perspective on cities as vulnerable ecosystems.

1. Historical context sets the stage. Patterns of development and policy reflect how the city has managed social, racial, and class tensions. Outcomes from these historical processes create not just the vulnerability context, but also form barriers to adaptation, change, and resilience building.

“[W]e are a city that’s developed on racism and racist policies…they adopted the ordinance of 1910 that basically allowed for white blocks and black blocks. Even though that was later invalidated, it was still a practice that was widely followed. Then bring in redlining maps—Federal Housing Administration support for racism in housing. We are a city that is essentially very segregated…That leads to huge differences in socioeconomic status throughout the city primarily based on race.”
— Baltimore

Beyond the social, political, and economic patterns that have and are shaping the city, the built environment is also critical. The development patterns a city has followed creates a path dependence in that it is deeply invested in one system of managing, e.g., stormwater, that it is too costly to implement a different, potentially better strategy. Therefore, planners and engineers often have to work within the current infrastructural context. In this way, management decisions of the past can determine a city’s future potential to weather extreme events that limit the adaptation potential of critical systems (e.g., stormwater, energy delivery, etc.).

The built environment also dictates how city residents interact with the city. The structure of spaces direct human accessibility, transportation preferences, and types and frequency of use. Interrupting these patterns may be critical in shifting the vulnerability of people in certain neighborhoods. Understanding the historical context allows planners and policy-makers to uncover why a city functions the ways it does, as well as how the city and residents have responded to imposed changes in the past, giving insight on how they will likely respond to future shifts. Questions for planners as they consider historical contexts in preparing for extreme events, include: What are the legacies that your city inherited from past policy and development, and how are they continuing to shape your current vulnerability context? How are historical patterns of infrastructure and investment influencing the adaptive capacity of the city, and stifling innovation?

2. Knowledge building is critical. Novel events and changing weather patterns are pushing cities into unknown territory. It is critical to examine city processes and event impacts to understand where gaps in response and preparation exist, as well as to understand new weather patterns as they are developing.

“That was a big event for us as far as impact on low-income residents, impact on elderly and youth, and just impact on our infrastructure systems, showing a lot of the vulnerabilities in our community, lack of understanding of where resources should be distributed, where we’re getting resources to, how effective that distribution was—or ineffective.”
— Baltimore

With novel events, it is also important to understand how a city’s current systems and residents respond. What new vulnerabilities are revealed? Essentially, it is necessary to understand how the city’s risk context is shifting. With Irene in 2011 and Sandy in 2012 FEMA flood maps were redrawn up and down the eastern seaboard. Understanding not just the event, but the interaction of the city with the event is a crucial step in effective and efficient adaptation.

Researchers have capacities that planners often do not, such as experimenting with innovative approaches and technologies. City planners and researchers can work together to assess urban vulnerability to extremes and to co-develop strategies that will have the best chance at positive strides toward building resilience.

“[T]he research historically has all been all over the map and giving opposing opinions of what to do and opposing solutions, and solutions that apply at the micro scale, but not at the macro scale, that it’s actually created inertia in doing anything.”
— Phoenix

Choosing the most effective path to prepare for extreme events may also incur large costs, take years to actualize, and potentially create a path dependence. Partnerships across academia, government, and communities can improve the sharing of knowledge and facilitate capacity building on all levels. Questions for building knowledge when preparing for extreme events include: What are the gaps between what your city is experiencing and the plans, protocols, and regulations in place to manage preparation and recovery from extreme weather? Is there a coordinated network of academic, non-profit, community, and government organizations that can co-produce and share knowledge? And importantly experiment with novel solutions to current problems?

3. There may be limits to change. As the climate continues to change the identity (e.g., tourist or recreational destinations, cultural or historic centers, historic districts, economic engines, etc.) of the city can become quickly threatened. Planners who work between adaptation and transformation, can anticipate strong push back against proposed changes. A city that needs to transform its identity, perhaps as a result of adaptation planning, will strongly resist abrupt change, but a long-term strategy can transform the built environment, behavior, and the economic base.

“[Retreat] is never going to be an option for Miami Beach, because what happens if we consider that option? First and foremost, residents don’t want to leave Miami Beach. There’s a reason they’re there, and they love it. Secondly, some of the most vulnerable areas are the touristic areas. If you propose some kind of retreat, you kill Miami Beach.”
— Miami Beach

Regardless if current systems are causing harm or creating vulnerability, there are some who risk great losses from change. Many groups, individuals, companies, and organizations have gained significantly in wealth and influence through the current organization of system elements. Indeed, many of those likely had a hand in shaping the current state to their benefit. If adaptation measures challenge their positions of power, then proposed changes may likely be ardently opposed. Questions that offer insights into the limits to change when planning for extreme events include: How can multi-scalar alignment be achieved; what are the conditions where residents, city management, business, and organizations are largely on the same page? What can you do to prepare for when those conditions arise? Can you identify areas that will be sources of powerful push back to proposed adaptation and develop strategies that engender goal alignment?

4. Align policy, processes, and infrastructure with conditions. Extreme weather, seasonality, temperatures, and more are in the process of change, which suggests that more surprises are likely. Regulations, policy, short- and long-term planning, and critical infrastructure capacity all need to be adaptable to at least match current conditions, but ideally made to proactively manage a broad range of potential conditions.

“The utilities have had to respond to the water main breaks, but I don’t see them being proactive. They’re reactive…There’s a whole network of emergency management people in NY state who are charged with being proactive and being prepared for emergency response. But the city, in some respects, seems to be declining in terms of its ability to respond, as a result of its financial constraints.”
— Syracuse

Understanding how city policies, regulations, services, and resource allocation mitigate harm from extreme weather events is necessary before engaging in this step, which aims to bridge the gaps. Knowing how and why current policies, infrastructure, etc. are failing will greatly facilitate enacting adaptation. However, it is not always possible, quick, or efficient to build that knowledge, especially when weather patterns are not stable year to year. Building in flexibility and adaptive potential to city management will allow for practitioners to make critical decisions at critical times. Questions for planning to align city systems when preparing for extreme events include: What policies, procedures, and regulations are outdated? And how are these impeding adaptation and the ability of the city to effectively manage current weather events? Can policy and regulation updates be made to allow for flexibility and adaptive capacity to anticipate a changing local and regional climate?

5. Build bottom-up capacity and cohesion. Expanding plans from a response and recovery focus to include preparation will be essential. With the recognition that the city cannot manage it all on its own, the community becomes critical. Consider how governance can facilitate developing community capacity and cohesion.

“We can see huge differences from neighborhood to neighborhood and how folks are checking in on each other and what the adaptive capacity is of that neighborhood…I think that something we’ve been realizing more and more each year and trying to incentivize as an element of all planning and implementation is—how do we strengthen communities and community ties?”
— Baltimore

Neighbors and neighborhoods play a critical role in managing extreme events. Localized networks that are active in and out of crises can ensure that there are avenues of aid and information for vulnerable people and families. Connecting these networks with city managers and emergency responders will allow coordination of efforts, streamline communication, and minimize confusion and potential panic. When people know who to contact, where to go, or how to react during crises, there is less burden on city personnel. This may even save lives and reduce negative health impacts especially in surprise or prolonged events such as heat waves. Questions for planners when facilitating community-based preparation for extreme events include: How can community members and organizations be empowered and become allies in climate adaptation, risk and emergency management, and awareness? What current networks and associations exist that can be tapped into and/or expanded to work together with city management and researchers?

* * *

As the dramatic repercussions from Hurricanes Harvey, Irma and Maria continue to unfold; the next storm is developing and aiming towards places that are vulnerable to major infrastructure, societal and ecosystem impacts. Collectively, we need to have an eye on next years’ storms, as well as those that will hit in 2030. If we are not actively trying to understand what can be done, then we’ll continue to face similar consequences.

On top of all of this, urban areas around the world are growing dramatically, with likely more than 6.4 billion residents in cities by 2050. How will cities accommodate their new millions, while ensuring some measure of protection from extreme weather? New long-term development plans that do not integrate management of potential future climate conditions will put many more people in harm’s way. The immensity of the task is nothing short of a complete overhaul in planning practice, and a deep integration of fields that are historically divided.

Darin Wahl and Vivek Shandas
Portland

On The Nature of Cities

Notes
i T. Litman, “Lessons from Katrina and Rita: What Major Disasters Can Teach Transportation Planners”, J. Transportation Eng., no. 1, pp. 11-18, 2006.

ii Luber G, McGeehin M. Climate change and extreme heat events. Am J Prev Med 2008;35(5):429–35.

iii Huang, G., Zhou, W., Cadenasso, M.L., 2011. Is everyone hot in the city? Spatial pattern of land surface temperatures, land cover and neighborhood socioeconomic characteristics in Baltimore, MD. Journal of Environmental Management 92, 1753–1759. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jenvman.2011.02.006

iv Pelling, M., 2011. Urban governance and disaster risk reduction in the Caribbean: the experiences of Oxfam GB. Environment and Urbanization, 23(2), pp.383–400.

Vivek Shandas

About the Writer:
Vivek Shandas

Professor Vivek Shandas specializes in integrating the science of sustainability to citizen engagement and decision making efforts. He evaluates the many critical functions provided by the biophysical ecosystems upon which we depend, including purifying water, producing food, cleaning toxins, offering recreation, and imbuing society with cultural values.

Rethinking Cities in Arid Environments for the 21st Century

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.
Free from the constraints of water scarcity and the harsh climate, major cities have been developing in high-risk arid environments across the world during the last century, cities such as Phoenix (US), Antofagasta (Chile), and Kuwait City (Kuwait).
Arid cities around the world

Over two years ago, my colleagues and I at Arup began a research project focused on the topic of planning and designing cities in arid environments. We were initially interested in exploring the most relevant practices and innovations for cities in the Middle East, but soon realised that many other cities and regions around the world share similar climatic conditions and challenges. As a matter of fact, approximately one-third of our planet’s land area can be classified as arid, receiving less than 800 ml (~ 50 cubic feet) of rain per year.

Arid environments have only recently been able to support large populations, thanks to inventions such as air conditioning, desalination plants, and the automobile. These technologies helped create habitable conditions in the hostile environment by supplying water through alternative methods (desalination, dams) and providing comfort, at least indoors (air conditioning). Free from the constraints of water scarcity and the harsh climate, major cities started developing in arid environments across the world during the last century, cities such as Phoenix (US), Antofagasta (Chile), and Kuwait City (Kuwait). Not only was their growth reliant on energy-intensive technologies and oblivious to local climate conditions, it was based on an imported, land-intensive development model which encouraged sprawl and further reduced the sustainability of these cities from an environmental and social perspective.

Cities Alive (Arup publication)

21stcentury development challenges

In the 21stcentury, the above development trajectory poses two significant and related challenges for arid cities. First, how can these cities become more sustainable, weaning themselves off the energy and land intensive development models which were central to their creation? Second, how can these cities become more resilient and adapt to global climate change, which is likely to render their climate even less hospitable? By reaching out to our professional network of colleagues and partners from across the world, my colleagues and I were able to identify key learnings and best practices which can help address these questions for existing and developing arid cities. I would like to highlight three areas identified in our work which I believe are particularly important especially for cities in the Arabian Gulf: sustainable urban drainage, the provision of public spaces, and walkability.

Storm water drainage is often an after-thought when planning cities in the Arabian Gulf. With sunny weather for most months of the year, it can be easy to forget that rain events do occur, and they are often intense. Rain water capture is typically not financially viable due to the limited frequency of the rain. This generally leaves the “hard engineering” approach of designing a drainage network to channel storm water as quickly and efficiently as possible to the sea, complying with planning requirements which typically only address up to 1-in-5-year storms.

There is usually no consideration for sustainable urban drainage and filtration systems (e.g. bioswales, porous pavements), nor for designing public spaces to function as part of the storm water management network during intense rain events. Storm water infrastructure is thus capital-intensive and provides no broader amenity or value to the city. Moreover, no scenario planning is undertaken to ensure that vital city assets (e.g. schools, clinics, business districts) remain functional and accessible during larger storm events. Finally, and perhaps most critically, despite infrastructure assets being planned and designed for the next 50 – 100 years, I have yet to see an example where the changing climate conditions (e.g. changing rainfall frequency) are sufficiently taken into consideration to ensure the adaptability of the system for the future.

Storm water management is recognised as vital only in the immediate aftermath of a storm, when cities seize to function after a few minutes of intense rain. At that point, quick-fix, reactive measures are sometimes announced (e.g. increasing number of drainage vehicles, cleaning clogged drains). However, the momentum is not sustained long enough to allow for meaningful and proactive change in planning and design requirements and practices.

Well-used public space in Dubai (UAE). Partially shaded but still water-intensive.

Shifting paradigm, changing pathways

A paradigm shift is needed whereby the complexity and importance of storm water management in arid cities is recognised, understood, and addressed. There are lessons to be learnt from other cities which are planning their storm water infrastructure and sea defenses more thoughtfully, incorporating green and blue infrastructure and utilising the investment to provide more people-focused amenities. The same engineering and design skills need to be employed in arid cities, and this will also require the protection and rehabilitation of local natural systems (e.g. valleys, wetlands) which have and can play a role in resilient storm water management.

Linked to the above topic is the wider discussion around the provision of quality public spaces. This area has been receiving growing interest in the cities of the Arabian Gulf, with critiques around the quality, accessibility and equity of existing public spaces. Interestingly, there have also been valid critiques around the pre-conceptions of public space in the Gulf—why can’t malls be considered a valuable public space if they serve a similar social function as a park?

As cities in the Arabian Gulf (Riyadh, Doha, Dubai) mature, we are seeing the interest in “iconic architecture” develop to recognise the importance of the public realm in the functioning of the city, the wellbeing of its residents, the value of its assets and ultimately the ability of a city to attract future investors and residents. To provide the quantity and diversity of public space needed, arid cities will need to bravely and carefully consider optimising the design and use of outdoor spaces. It is encouraging that this is in line with recent trends, with outdoor spaces being developed successfully in Riyadh, and to a more commercial extent in Dubai (although the question of their ‘public’ nature remains in Dubai).

Designing spaces to be comfortable for considerable parts of the year despite the often hot, dry, and dusty weather will be key. Most of the answer lies in designing spaces to adapt to, and not overpower, the climate. Shade must be provided in a water-efficient and cost-efficient way, which means employing clever passive design techniques wherever possible. A series of small parks and plazas may be more suited to arid climates than large open spaces, as the former are generally easier to shade and more accessible by foot, two critical considerations in arid climates. Providing accessible, comfortable and functional public spaces which encourage social interaction will be key to maintaining the attractiveness and vibrancy of arid cities in the long term.

The restored Wadi Hanifah in Riyadh (KSA) providing alternative public spaces and water management strategies. Source: Moriyami & Teshima

Diseases such as obesity and diabetics are prevalent in the Arabian Gulf due to the sedentary lifestyle promoted by the planning model catering for life in air-conditioned spaces and vehicles. Re-integrating walking into the lives of arid city residents will require a fundamental rethink of land use planning practices, just like in most other cities. The added dimension is planning to allow for comfortable walking conditions for most of the year, which takes us back to good passive design practices. It is simply too dangerous to accept the idea that “it is too hot to walk” in arid cities. In addition to the health risks associated with the lack of physical activity, relying on vehicles jeopardizes the resilience of these cities as it reduces the mobility options available.

Arid cities have become a reality in the 20thcentury due to the technological innovations allowing them to overcome the challenges of their harsh environment. They now face the challenge of adapting to the 21stcentury, with its limitations on resource use and the more extreme and less certain climate. To have a chance at addressing these challenges, planners and designers must learn from best practices in other arid cities and environments and develop locally-responsive urban models and solutions.

Huda Shaka
Dubai

On The Nature of Cities

Retrofitting the City: Interweaving Urban Nature for Transformative Adaptation

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.

For city planners and those interested in addressing sustainability of the city as its interrelates with nature, we are very familiar with the pervasive discourse of climate change and the idea of adaptation to, as well as mitigation of, climate change effects and causes.

To strategically transform infrastructure for climate change, we need to indicate how cities can equitably involve the nature and culture of place.
As with any such terms, there are nuances that have important implications for our desired goals. If we are serious about adapting and mitigating climate change, we should understand how our proposed actions interface with the logic driving the patterns of unsustainable/non-resilient growth of our cityscapes—the logic patterns of growth that have collectively contributed to our getting to this climate crisis point.

Even with a degree of mitigation, adaptation that enables the short-term continuation of existing infrastructure and accruing tensions, rather than being part of a process of necessary reorganizing, becomes part of the “sustainability” of an increasingly frail status quo. In other words, certain kinds of adaptation can enable the current system to continue on a similar trajectory. An important critical consideration in sustainability is: what is being sustained, for whom, and who (or what) is being left out?

Living for the city: the greening of late modernity

Cities are human’s largest constructed artifacts and the locus of the majority of the world’s population. In places such as the U.S., our existing cities saw their greatest growth based on the infrastructure and underlying logic of “high modernity”—a logic of production that reigned supreme from 1930-1970. This includes the grey infrastructure-based logic of seeking concrete control of nature, which has resulted in the fragmentation and destruction of our relations to accessing the natural processes of place. This logic also includes the capitalist imperatives of growth centered on property markets, goods movement, profit reinvestment, and commerce backed by the rationalized sciences of economics, efficiency and professional planning. This overall structural complex of high modernity has created the foundation for the sprawl, consumption, technological-fixes, and industrial landscapes we take for granted. The resulting trajectory of this logic, should it continue to be applied, is what we describe in our climate plans as “business as usual.” This is a path that routinely supports “making a killing” as a way of making a living, but, as we know, does not support the living part of our lives in a deep sense, nor the living parts for our landscape ecologies. The sustainability industry is our response to this path—part of a larger “postmodern” environmental effort to ostensibly challenge and re-orient pervading capitalist logic and its built environmental manifestations.

In such a context, sustainability appears to be part of a clear, progressive movement. Yet, capitalist production has the capacity to morph and co-opt sustainability or greening through its logic of disinvestment, reinvestment, and consumption. How genuinely reformative, or transformative, is the emerging practice of applied interventions that we call sustainability? How would we even judge this quality?

Contemplating these questions is a rabbit hole that professional planners are typically trained and advised to avoid. We are not afforded the luxury to think through such critical (read: philosophical) conundrums. There are pragmatic and political concerns to consider; after all, we do not have a blank slate. Rather, we do what we can and hope for the best. In sustainability planning, there is an implicit idea that, somehow, we can balance planet, people, and profit in a form of green, more humane capitalism. The unfortunate elephant in the room is, we know by our own equations and science that as it stands, despite noble political efforts, what we are doing will certainly not be enough to prevent devastating consequences of climate change. We wait, hopefully, for the increasingly realized crisis to prompt deeper critical action, but this is like the homeowner calling for the architectural engineer to save them in the midst of an earthquake.

At this point, we need proactive strategic planning that doesn’t just adapt, as if in acquiescence, for anticipated future scenarios, but that immediately serves a functional purpose by morphing the existing built environment to produce a qualitative difference. The best analogy I like to use is the notion of “retrofitting”: much as the architect seeks to transform the performance of an existing unsustainable building by retrofitting within the given structure instead of razing it completely, we must seek to adapt strategically, so that the performance and capacity of the structure can become fundamentally different. While other unsustainable parts may, in time, fall away, a new emergent infrastructure is set in place. This is what I refer to as transformative adaptation.

My analogy to architectural retrofitting only goes so far, however. While we have a good understanding of structural engineering forces that affect buildings, the place structure of a multilayered, multivariable city is exceedingly complex. We have to create this path as we walk along it. Fortunately, we do have a reference point to orient us—the living nature within cities, often obscured in our everyday routines, plays a vital role in increasing our livability, but is also part of dynamic natural processes which we must carefully understand and work to integrate.

The nature-and-culture fabric of urban greening

What relates nature in the city and its associated living qualities to transformative adaptation? Part of transformative adaptation is about a built environment place that supports layers of interconnected and diverse life—from the nature of place to the culture of place (and its people—such that this nature is woven into the fabric of the city across and between scales. Clearly, this is the not the current case in our cities.

Nature manifests itself to people in cities through glimpses of the seasons and days unfolding, but not as obviously as outside cities, where the intimate ground, the water, the sky, the air, and the nested ecologies that prevail awaken our senses to this whole. There are, of course, places that do alert us to these connections very clearly, but they are the exceptional refuges, the greenbelts, the nature parks, that are not found everywhere nor are made easily accessible to all. Nevertheless, connections to nature are frequently located in less recognized forms: the marginal places of dumping and disuse, such as a trash-filled storm drain opening to a vine-infested, fenced-off creek culvert.

Likewise, a city’s culture is widely and loudly celebrated—but only as a chamber-of-commerce-packaged version or as (re)discovered exotica, soon to be commodified. Today, the ground where culture should be living and emerging organically more closely resembles the sad toil of the factory farm, where cultivation happens at the margins and in the cuts, especially for those of the dispossessed creative class. There is little, if any, ability for people below the formal municipal scale—for example, at the neighborhood level scale—to openly shape their lived places and express shared social aspirations as part of the city’s mosaic.

A rich urban ecology means living nature should support other, diverse living natures, and that living culture should support other layers of diverse cultures. Both are important for our psychological and physical health. For our livability, focusing on the human scale is also key. In fact, specific locations of culture and locations of nature are two significant assets of a city and, as far as structure, these should be valued, protected, enhanced, and interconnected—cross-woven as ends of a transitional continuum.

After waxing poetic about nature and culture, and even acknowledging their anemic presence in our everyday, sterile, standardized cityscapes, we return to the topic at hand: how are these conditions related to adaptation and the role of urban green infrastructure? Environmental and climate planners recognize the significance of trees, wetlands, flood plains, and rechargeable water regimes to environmental adaptation of urban heat island, sea-level rise, storm surges, and other climate effects. How do these types of greening interventions relate to how we, the city dwellers, in our everyday rituals, relate to the place, move about, interact, and collectively contribute to the production of the cultural city landscape?

I assert that the ability to know, see, and interact directly with natural processes in our everyday city life; the ability to know and create cultural expression in the everyday, provides, over time, a calibrated “organic” understanding of place and an experiential understanding of what is at stake in sustainability, what is important to sustain, and possible new ways to communicate this importance. The presence of these direction interactions with nature is missing in so many “disempowered” communities but could support organic empowerment and a sense of relational “ownership” in place that can mitigate the pushes of displacement.

By bringing together place-based nature and culture, we are now reaching the point at which adaptation has a potential to become transformative: as we adapt to climate changes, we are also, in that very intervention, taking greening actions that seek to reawaken spaces that can orient all of us to a living logic—one that is not beholden to academic mastery, but which becomes part of our everyday formative landscape as it integrates with the functional fabric and structure of our cities.

The planning practice of urban greening

As a counterpoint, let us now examine how well intended adaptation and urban greening happens in a city planning context ruled by layers of grey infrastructural forms (and the logic that supports them). Urban greening is one of the latest catchall terms that is a complement to sustainable climate action-oriented planning, crossing-over with co-interests in resiliency, health, and equity. For some, urban greening may include green tech installations, such as solar arrays, smart energy grids, or green roofs. For others, it may connote the conviviality of linear parks and green boulevards from the “City Beautiful/Garden City” movements of the 1990s. Typically though, it refers to green infrastructure elements such as bioswales and vegetative air pollution or storm-surge/sea-level rise buffers.

Figure 1. Typical urban green infrastructure elements around Oakland, CA. Top: Mandela Parkway through West Oakland as an active green median (Wikimedia Commons); Middle: green roof as a productive garden in Garden Village Housing (Urban ReLeaf); Bottom: rendering of newly funded bus-rapid transit line along International Blvd. in East Oakland (Wikimedia Commons).

Unfortunately, the medley of urban greening connotations also mixes with a medley of responsible municipal implementers, styles of implementation, and sustainability goals which, taken together, have created a confusing and often ad-hoc landscape with little overarching coordination or, as I argue, transformative capacity. For example, in my own city of Oakland, California, where I have worked as a planner and a practitioner, the panoply of greening actions are typically operations proceeding in their own silos across more than eight different professional departments: land-use planners focus on incentivizing private-side concentrated smart growth development to mitigate sprawl and incorporate green building or site aspects as a permit condition; the sustainability units (housed in Public Works) manage the carbon-reduction prioritized energy and climate action planning process; the Public Works environmental department oversees city trees and waterways while the Transportation Departments focuses on engineering streets, sidewalks, and bicycle facilities; the Parks Department has urban nature in its purview but is preoccupied with recreation services. Meanwhile, entire other departments and offices deal respectively with culture/arts, resiliency, and equity concerns. Outside of the City, County and regional agencies are responsible for environmental and public health, air pollution, safety and hazard preparedness, and adaptation to sea level rise. Bringing these together is a monumental bureaucratic effort.

Figure 2. Example from the City of Oakland of typical city government silos (yellow circles), their respective “plans” (blue boxes), and actual sustainability policy domains (white boxes). Unfortunately, typical practice keeps these silos—and the overall coordinated planning system—fragmented. Image: David Ralston

In the context of adaptation, sustainability managers may have the broadest climate planning mandate, but only have recommendatory and marginal influence. Land-use planners have formal tools of visioning, and they manage the legally adopted City master plan, but they prioritize the private sector, not public infrastructure or facilities. Public Works has the most implementing authority and funding availability, but as the organization consists predominantly of engineers, it has become pragmatically focused with available standards, value-engineering, and solving immediate problems.

The existing ad hoc conditions unfortunately mean that what little planning does happen is not connected to coordinated or critical-level implementation. Further, while they are exciting, press-worthy, and may even nudge the bar for sustainability higher, a creek restoration, several blocks of protected bike lanes, new recycled water projects, even solar-powered electric car charging stations are actions that remain “boutique pilot projects” in certain areas, which have yet to be integrated or to rise to a critical level of transformation. Other big investments in LEED-certified transit villages and bus rapid transit lines become magnets for new development and thus embroiled in issues of gentrification and affordability that only nominally involve local residents.

Certainly, these are sincere progressive efforts, but the land-use and transportation system still overwhelmingly reverberate with the existing logic of growth. Such initiatives pump millions into improving the function of grey infrastructure, sometimes in the guise of green marketing. In the end, even a functionally resilient city, if it occludes urban nature or caters to the well-off but threatens the culture and livelihoods of working class and other families, is not truly sustainable.

Still, if we seek to be critically strategic in adaptation, we need to: plan how these urban greening approaches integrate (with all departments and areas of adaptation); articulate how they can specifically incorporate mitigation as part of their function; indicate how they directly involve the nature and culture of place; and figure out how they can be comprehensively and equitably applied. Most importantly, as a civic initiative, the best place to start with transformative adaptation is on publically-held lands and facilities.

The energy and capacity for creativity, “ground-truthing,” cultural expression, and championing projects comes from the grassroots, community-based organizations that can support, guide, and hold city planners accountable while also helping to garner outside funding resources. Oakland has clearly demonstrated this energy—a coalition of community-based organizations (Oakland Climate Action Coalition, Rooted In Resilience, Communities for a Better Environment, Asian Pacific Environmental Network, Unity Council, Oakland Food Policy Council, Urban ReLeaf, Health for Oakland’s People and Environment, West Oakland Environmental Indicators, and East Oakland Building Healthy Communities, among others) along with the leadership of the Merritt community college Environmental Studies Program pushed the City in 2015 to develop a comprehensive urban greening plan that begins to meet the above criteria. What is salient about this grassroots plan is that it features a network of interconnected, watershed-based “greenways” along eight of the city’s creeks that connect neighborhoods, weaving their fabrics together and defining the unique features of the city’s topos. Another critical feature is that the plan calls for local involvement in planning, design, building, stewardship, and ancillary usage.

Figure 3. From visions to plans: Oakland Greenway Network. Top: community-based planning around urban greening led to a vision featuring interconnected, watershed-based “greenways” that could connect neighborhoods together from “hills to the Bay.” Here, working through the fabric of a fully built-out East Oakland, the San Leandro Creek became a model of such greenways. Bottom: ongoing efforts of how and where to insert “urban greening” corridors influenced the development and adoption of the City’s Priority Conservation Area/Urban Greening Plan as part of the City’s region-mandated Sustainable Communities Strategy.
Figure 4. Photographs of the future San Leandro Creek Urban Greenway through the East Oakland neighborhoods of Sobrante Park, Columbia Gardens, and Brookfield Village. The planning of this project was supported through a decade of community planning and ongoing collaborative work with partners led by the local community-college (Merritt Environmental Management and Technology Program) working with local residents, schools, churches and community organizations. These groups are working with the State and City to direct climate investment funds to make this a pilot urban greening project.

As a key element of living urban nature, water infrastructure—which is often part of publicly-controlled rights of way or easements—is an ideal place to start adaptation that involves ecological restoration, flood plain management, and resource conservation as well as linear open space, access, gathering spots, gardens, and paths for adjacent residents. These can be interlaced with other urban greening corridors along abandoned rail lines or green streets. Not surprisingly, this green network pattern is concurrently emerging in many places. Cities such as Hamburg in Germany are leading examples of bold, comprehensive planning, and cities large to small across the U.S., such as Detroit, Minneapolis, and Madison, Wisconsin are actively planning and building greenway networks as part of alternate infrastructural forms. Oakland’s newest San Leandro Creek greenway moves towards innovative, design-build implementation as an environmental justice victory; project advocates hopes the San Leandro Creek greenway’s success can also propel the city to the forefront of integrative urban greening planning that encapsulates sustainability, resiliency, health, and equity—and, as such, becomes a living foundation for transformative adaptation.

David Ralston
Oakland

On The Nature of Cities

References and links

Angelo, Hilary. (2017): “Nature in the City” in Places: https://placesjournal.org/reading-list/nature-in-the-city/

Beatley, Timothy (2010) Biophillic Cities; www.biophiliccities.org

Das PK (2015). Let Streams of Linear Open Spaces Flow Across Urban Landscapes. The Nature of Cities (August 12, 2015).

Faggi A, Vidal CZ (2016). Linear Parks: Meeting People’s Everyday Needs for Secure Recreation, Commuting, and Access to Nature. The Nature of Cities (April 14, 2016).

Maddox D (2016). Justice and Geometry in the Form of Linear Parks. The Nature of Cities (April 18, 2016).

Oakland Climate Action Coalition: Oakland City Council Greenlights “Equity Checklist;” Adopts OCAC’s PCA Recommendations: http://oaklandclimateaction.org/news/

Ralston, David C. (2016): “Climate Action Planning and Urban Greenways: Weaving Together Sustainability, Health and Resilience” in Greenways and Landscapes of Change – Proceedings of the 5th Fabos Greenways Conference, Budapest: https://sites.google.com/site/fabos2016/publication

Scott, Allen J. and Michael Storper: The Nature of Cities: The Scope and Limits of Urban Theory, in the International journal of urban and regional research (Volume 39, Issue 1, January 2015): http://www.ijurr.org/

Other relevant links

City of Hamburg Green Network Plan – http://www.archdaily.com/464394/hamburg-s-plan-to-eliminate-cars-in-20-years

San Leandro Creek Urban Greenway Project, Merritt College: www.ecomerrit.com

Urban Theory Lab, Harvard Graduate School of Design: http://urbantheorylab.net/publications/

Nordhaus, Ted and Michael Shellenberger, 2005: “The Death of Environmentalism: Global Warming Politics in a Post-Environmental World” in Grist: http://grist.org/article/doe-reprint/

Rewriting the Book on Urban Transportation Design

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.

A review of Global Street Design Guide. From the Global Designing Cities Initiative. ISBN: 9781610917018. Island Press. 442 pages. Buy the book.

Streets are often the biggest share of publicly-owned land in a city. All too often, they’re conceived and managed only as thoroughfares for motor vehicles. A whole set of standards has been imposed to judge the effectiveness of streets solely on the basis of how many automobiles they can move and how fast. The results, in cities around the world, are streets that are destructive of urban vitality, dangerous to human beings, and detrimental to the environment and economy.

Transportation infrastructure gets designed, built, and operated according to standards and established practice. The Global Street Design Guide, if adopted and applied, would dramatically improve those standards and practices in cities around the world.

The Global Street Design Guide not only challenges the out-moded expectation that cars should dominate a city, but goes so far as to provide new standards and designs that show how a more humane approach to streets can be implemented. It starts as a manifesto about why city streets should be designed differently, then goes into detail about how to actually do it, before concluding with case studies showing how it has actually been done.

A citizen activist in the southeastern United States once said, “We pushed and pushed our city government to create safer streets for people, but they refused and said, ‘We do things by the book.’ ” She went on to say that the activists realized that the book was quite literally a book, developed by highway engineers, with the sole purpose of optimizing streets for automobiles, without consideration of any other priorities. The activists concluded, “We realized that the city was never going to not ‘do things by the book,’ so it dawned on us, rather than asking them to throw the book away, we needed to give them a new book!”

The Global Street Design Guide is that book. Funded by Bloomberg Philanthropies, it was produced by practitioners in a network of progressive cities on six continents. Their peer practitioners are a crucial audience for the book, but that is not the only audience. Most often, change in urban politics starts with resident activists who are outside the conventional agencies: neighborhood residents concerned about excessive car traffic, health care professionals who recognize the impact that air pollution, traffic violence and sedentary lifestyles have on public health, or business associations who realize that auto-oriented strip development quickly turns to blight and disinvestment. These passionate citizens aren’t transportation experts, but they grasp the fundamental truth that automobile dominance is harming their communities. By reading the introductory sections of the Global Street Design Guide, they will become just expert enough to press their city leaders with the demand that streets be improved. Those city leaders, whether mayors or city council members or finance directors or public works directors, are another important audience for the introductory chapters, which make a compelling case that streets can and should be redesigned in a variety of ways. The well-designed book is refulgent with pictures and attractive drawings that illustrate just how things can be different, with powerful examples from a variety of contexts around the globe.

Once the activists recognize the potential for change, and prevail on municipal leaders to embrace it, the Global Street Design Guide serves its main purpose: as practical direction for the agency staff members who are charged with implementing new approaches. The heart of the book is a well-organized catalog of street typologies for a wide range of uses, with technical guidance on how each feature or technique can be applied. For example, a street with a high-capacity transit corridor will have a different spatial manifestation than a side lane that is more suited for local access. An intersection with abundant retail sites should be designed differently than one near a grade school.

By recognizing the joyful complexity of urban life, as well as the reality that different nations and cultures have different resources and needs, the Guide inevitably debunks the one-size-fits-all street design manuals that originated in the mid-20th century and should now be put in the dustbin of history. The Guide explicitly recognizes societal interests and social priorities beyond the pure movement of cars. Notably, the important role that streets play in handling rainwater and other run-off is given a prominent section, with examples of green infrastructure. The potential for economic development, and streetscapes that attract customers and retail spending, is another example of another feature that the Guide recommends quantifying. All these measures of success—reduced fatalities, cubic meters of rainwater run-off treated, dollar value of economic vitality—are the performance measures that the Guide puts forward as a comprehensive substitute for the old unitary metric of how many cars a street can move and how fast they move. In some cases, that outmoded metric actually needs to be inverted, because volume and speed are in many cases antithetical to the more important goals a particular street should serve.

The Global Street Design Guide is the multi-national cousin of other guides intended more specifically for the U.S. market, produced by that country’s National Association of City Transportation Officials. The series, which has much more of a U.S. domestic focus, includes the Urban Street Design Guide, an Urban Bikeway Design Guide, Second Edition, an Urban Street Stormwater Guide, and a Transit Street Design Guide. (Disclosure: this reviewer was involved in providing philanthropic support for the latter.) This canon of works should be useful in North America, Australia and New Zealand, while the Global Street Design Guide has relevance to those regions but also the rest of the world, at any level of development.

Transportation infrastructure gets designed, built, and operated according to standards and established practice. The Global Street Design Guide, if adopted and applied, will dramatically improve those standards and practices in cities around the world.

David Bragdon
New York

On The Nature of Cities

To buy the book, click on the image below. Some of the proceeds return to TNOC.

Right to the City for All: A Manifesto for Social Justice in an Urban Century

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.
See the full list of Essays
Introduction, Toni L. Griffin, Ariella Cohen and David Maddox Tearing down Invisible Walls Defining the Just City Beyond Black and White, Toni L. Griffin In It Together, Lesley Lokko Cape Town Pride. Cape Town Shame, Carla Sutherland Urban Spaces and the Mattering of Black Lives, Darnell Moore Ceci n'est pas une pipe: Unpacking Injustice in Paris, François Mancebo Reinvigorating Democracy Right to the City for All: A Manifesto for Social Justice in an Urban Century, Lorena Zárate How to Build a New Civic Infrastructure, Ben Hecht Turning to the Flip Side, Maruxa Cardama A Just City is Inconceivable without a Just Society, Marcelo Lopes de Souza Public Imagination, Citizenship and an Urgent Call for Justice, Teddy Cruz and Fonna Forman Designing for Agency Karachi and the Paralysis of Imagination, Mahim Maher Up from the Basement: The Artist and the Making of the Just City, Theaster Gates Justice that Serves People, Not Institutions, Mirna D. Goransky Resistance, Education and the Collective Will, Jack Travis Inclusive Growth The Case for All-In Cities, Angela Glover Blackwell A Democratic Infrastructure for Johannesburg, Benjamin Bradlow Creating Universal Goals for Universal Growth, Betsy Hodges The Long Ride, Scot T. Spencer Turning Migrant Workers into Citizens in Urbanizing China, Pengfei XIE The Big Detox  A City that is Blue, Green and Just All Over, Cecilia P. Herzog An Antidote for the Unjust City: Planning to Stay, Mindy Thompson Fullilove Justice from the Ground Up, Julie Bargmann Elevating Planning and Design Why Design Matters, Jason Schupbach Claiming Participation in Urban Planning and Design as a Right, P.K. Das Home Grown Justice in a Legacy City, Karen Freeman-Wilson Epilogue: Cities in Imagination, David Maddox
7. Zarate

[The Right to the City is] the right to change ourselves, by changing the city. —David Harvey, 2008 

The cities we have

The cities we have in the world today are far from being places of justice. Whether in the South, the North, the West or the East, the cities we are living in are a clear expression of the increasing inequalities and violence from which our societies suffer, as a direct result of putting capital gains and economic calculations—greed!—before people and nature´s well being, dignity, needs and rights.

Many governments have abandoned their responsibility for any urban-territorial planning, leaving “the market” to freely operate the private appropriation of urban spaces.
The concentration of economic and political power is a phenomenon of exploitation, dispossession, exclusion and discrimination whose spatial dimensions are clearly visible: dual cities of luxury and misery; gentrification processes that displace and evict traditional and low-income populations; millions of empty buildings and millions of people without a decent place to live; campesinos without land and land without campesinos, subjected to abuses by agro-businesses, mining and other extractive industries and large scale projects. In other words, the injustice that emerges from destruction of public and community´s goods and assets, and the weakening of regulation, redistribution and welfare policies in States that instead facilitate private appropriation and accumulation of the commons, the resources and the collectively created wealth.

The conditions and rules currently present in our societies are globally condemning more than half of the world population to live in poverty. The inequalities are increasing both in so-called developed and developing countries. What real opportunities are we giving to young people if, according to the UN, 85 percent of the new jobs at the global level are created in the “informal” economy?

At the same time, the spatial segregation of the social groups, the lack of access to adequate housing and basic urban services and infrastructure, as well as many of the current housing policies in different countries, are creating the material and symbolic conditions for the reproduction of the marginalization and disadvantages of the majorities. Impoverished neighborhoods (“urban slums”) are home of to at least one third of the population in the global South—in most African and some Latin American and South Asian countries it reaches as high as 60 percent or more, including the Central African Republic, Chad, Niger, Mozambique, Ethiopia, Somalia, Benin, Mali, Haiti and Bangladesh. Not having a place to live and not having a recognized address also results in the denial of other economic, social, cultural and political rights (education, health, work, right to vote and participate, among many others). What kind of citizens and democracy are we producing in these divided cities?

It is not news to anyone that, especially during the past 25 years, many governments have abandoned their responsibility for any urban-territorial planning, leaving “the market” to freely operate the private appropriation of urban spaces, almost without any restriction to real-estate speculation and the creation of exponential revenues. It does not require expertise to realize that almost everywhere land prices have grown hundreds of times while minimum wages have remained more or less the same, making adequate housing unaffordable for the vast majority of the population. 

The Cities We Want: Right to the City and Social Justice for All

At the occasion of the World Habitat Day commemoration in October 2000, more than 350 delegates of urban social movements, community based women and indigenous people organizations, tenants and cooperative housing federations, and human rights activists from 35 countries around the world got together in the great Mexico Tenochtitlan (Mexico City) over an entire week to exchange concrete experiences and build proposals for more inclusive, democratic, sustainable, productive, educative, safe, healthy and culturally diverse cities.

Under The City We Dream motto, this first World Assembly of Inhabitants produced what would become one of the pillars for the elaboration of the World Charter for the Right to the City, a process developed inside the World Social Forum between 2003 and 2005. For the past decade, that document has inspired several similar debates and other collective documents of the city we want, as the Mexico City Charter for the Right to the City (2010), not as simple wishing list but as a clear roadmap on how to achieve it. Many of those are now included in political and legal instruments signed by local and national governments, as well as some international institutions.

Based on that foundation, the Just City for an Urban Century must be based on the six strategic principles of the Right to the City:

  1. Full exercise of human rights in the city

A just city is one in which all persons (regardless of gender, age, economic and legal status, ethnic group, religious or political affiliation, sexual orientation, place in the city, or any other such factor) enjoy and realize all economic, social, cultural, civic and political human rights and fundamental freedoms, through the construction of conditions of individual and collective wellbeing with dignity, equity and social justice.

Although universal as they are, provisions should be taken to prioritize those individuals and communities living under vulnerable conditions and with special needs, such as homeless, people with physical disabilities or mental and chronic health conditions, poor single parents, refugees, migrants, and people living in disaster-prone areas.

As duty holders, national, provincial and local governments must define legal frameworks, public policies and other administrative and judicial measures to respect, protect and guarantee those rights, under the principles of allocating the maximum available resources and non-retrogression, according to human rights commitments as included in international legal instruments.

Cities around the world, like Rosario in Argentina, Graz in Austria, Edmonton in Canada, Nagpur in India, Thies in Senegal and Gwangju in South Korea, among several others, have declared themselves as Human Rights Cities, going beyond specific human rights programs to try to instill a human rights framework in the city daily life and institutions. Of course they face many contradictions and challenges, but they also represent a concrete path for other cities to consider.

  1. The social function of the city, of land and of property

A just city is one that assures that the distribution of territory and the rules governing its use can thereby guarantee equitable use of the goods, services and opportunities that the city offers. In other words, a city in which collectively defined public interest is prioritized, guaranteeing a socially just and environmentally balanced use of the territory.

Planning, legal and fiscal regulations should be put in place with the required social control, in order to avoid speculation and gentrification processes, both in the central areas as well as in peripheral zones. This would include progressive increase of property taxes for underutilized or vacant units/plots; compulsory orders for construction, urbanization and priority land use; plus-value capture; expropriation for creation of special social interest and cultural zones (especially to protect low-income and disadvantaged families and communities); concession of special use for social housing purposes; adverse possession (usucapio) and regularization of self-built neighborhoods (in terms of land tenure and provision of basic services and infrastructure), among many others already available instruments in different cities and countries, like Brazil, Colombia, France and the United States, just to mention a few.

  1. Democratic management of the city

A just city is one in which its inhabitants participate in all decision-making spaces to the highest level of public policy formulation and implementation, as well as in the planning, public budget formulation, and control of urban processes. It refers to the strengthening of institutionalized decision-making (not only citizen consultancy) spaces, from which it is possible to do follow-up, screening, evaluation and reorientation of public policies.

This will include participatory budgeting experiences (being used in more than 3,000 cities around the world, with some important examples like Dominican Republic, Peru and Polonia), neighborhood impact evaluation (especially of social and economic effects of public and private projects and megaprojects, including the participation of the affected communities at every step of the process) and participatory planning (including master plans, territorial and urban development plans, urban mobility plans, etc.).

Several other concrete tools are already being used in many cities, from free and democratic elections, citizen audits, popular/civil society planning and legislative initiatives (including regulations around granting, modification, suspension and revocation of urban license) and recall election and referendums; to neighborhood and community-based commissions, public hearings, roundtables and participatory decision-making councils.

Nevertheless, several countries—specially in the Middle East and the South Asian region—still have strong, centralized, and in many cases non-democratic national governments, that appoint local authorities and hinder more participatory decision-making process to happen. 

  1. Democratic production of the city and in the city

A just city is one in which the productive capacity of its inhabitants is recovered and reinforced, in particular that of the low-income and marginalized sectors, fomenting and supporting social production of habitat and the development of social and solidarity economic activities. It concerns the right to produce the city, but also the right to a habitat that is productive for all, in the sense that generates income for the families and communities and strengthen the popular economy, not just the increasingly monopolistic profits of the few.

It is known that in the Global South between half and two thirds of the available living space is the result of people’s own initiatives and efforts, with little, if any, support from governments and other actors. In many cases, these initiatives go against many official barriers. Instead of supporting those popular processes, many current regulations ignore, or even criminalize, people’s individual and collective efforts to obtain a decent place to live.

At present, few countries—namely Uruguay, Brazil and Mexico—have put in place a system of legal, financial and administrative mechanisms in order to fully support what we call the “social production of habitat” (including access to urban land, credits and subsidies, and technical assistance); but even there, the percentage of the budget that goes to the private sector remains above the 90%, for the construction of “social housing” that remains unaffordable for more than half of the population.

  1. Sustainable and responsible management of the commons (natural and energy resources, as well as cultural patrimony and historic heritage) of the city and its surrounding areas

A just city is one whose inhabitants and authorities guarantee a responsible living relationship with the nature, in a way that makes possible a dignified life for all individuals, families and communities, in equality of conditions but without affecting natural areas and ecological reserves, cultural and historic patrimony, other cities or the future generations.

Human life and life in urban settings is only possible if we preserve all forms of life, everywhere. The urban life takes a vast diversity of the resources it needs from outside the formal administrative boundaries of the cities. Metropolitan areas, regions that include smaller towns in the countryside, agricultural and rural areas, and rain forest are all affected by our urban behavior.

There is an urgent need to put in place more strict environmental regulations and use of appropriate technology at an affordable cost, promote aquifer protection and rain-water collection; to prioritize multimodal public and massive transportation systems; to guarantee ecological food production and responsible consumption, notably including reuse, recycling and final disposal; among several other urgent measures.

  1. Democratic and equitable enjoyment of the city

A just city is one that reinforces social coexistence, through the recovery, expansion and improvement of public spaces, and its use for community gathering, leisure, and creativity as well as critical expression of political ideas and positions. In recent years, and especially as a local and spatial consequence of the neoliberal policies, a great part of those spaces that are fundamental in the definition of the urban and community life have not been taken care of, have been abandoned or left in disuse or, worse yet, have been privatized: streets, plazas, parks, forums, multiple-use halls, cultural centers, etc.

Infrastructure and programs to support cultural and recreational initiatives, especially, those that are autonomous and self-managed with strong participation of youth, low-income sectors and minority populations are needed. In short, public policies must guarantee the city as an open space and as an expression of diversity.

* * *

In an urban century, the meaning of justice will necessarily include all the dimensions of social life: political, economic, cultural, spatial (territorial) and environmental. The just city of the new century will be a city in which the decision making processes are not monopolized by few “representatives” and political parties, but are in the hands of the communities and the citizens; the land, the infrastructure, the facilities and the public and private resources are distributed for social use and enjoyment; the city is recognized as a result of the productive contributions of the different actors and the goal of the economic activities is the collective wellbeing; all human rights are respected, protected and guaranteed for everyone; and we conceive ourselves as part of nature, and nature as something sacred that we all should take care of.

In an urban century, the just city would be the result of, and at the same time the condition for, a just society on a healthy planet.

Lorena Zárate
Mexico City

 

The Just City Essays is a joint project of The J. Max Bond Center, Next City and The Nature of Cities. © 2015 All rights are reserved.

Risk: How Can We Put the UN, Governments, and the Public on the Same Page?

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.

Urban populations—and the associated concentration of livelihoods and assets in cities—continue to increase worldwide, thereby increasing exposure to hazards. Coupled with aging infrastructure and housing stock, this trend leads to an increase in vulnerability. And this vulnerability is compounded by climate-change driven storms, sea-level rise, and associated flooding and landslides. Such events are increasing year after year; still, governments avoid reducing existing risk because they prefer not to spend money on uncertain outcomes before a disaster, especially because such efforts remain invisible even if the risk materialises. Instead, there are plenty of certain and visible outcomes to spend money on: compensating people after they lose their homess and sources of income. Governments also choose not to spend resources on risk reduction because of the prevailing political-economy climate, which is curbing expenditure in the public sector. This means that new risk (in terms of both exposure and vulnerability) continues to accumulate at a rate higher than existing risk is being reduced by risk reduction and resilience strategies. Most alarmingly, the prevailing process of reconstruction of houses, infrastructure, and livelihoods after a disaster often reintroduces risk into livelihoods and the built environment. Why is this still happening?

The Political-Economy Framework for Understanding and Analysing Drivers of Change FHAMDAN
The political-economy framework for understanding and analysing drivers of change. Copyright F. Hamdan

The UN, practitioners, and risk management consultancies are doing a lot of good work on disaster risk reduction, including encouraging governments to invest in disaster risk reduction. But the participants in this work haven’t connected to the public debate that is happening about risk—they are disconnected. What can we do to connect them?

To answer the above questions, it is probably good to start with examples of some of the problems that whole cities, and certain sectors (e.g. education sector especially in poor neighbourhoods and urban slums) within cities, are facing worldwide. Below are a few such examples:

  • The rapid growth of cities and the populations within them means that cities are expanding quicker than the ability of governments to plan them according to pre-designed urban master plans and land use plans. This makes the people and the infrastructure more susceptible to damage from weather-related hazards (e.g. storms, floods, sea-level rise, etc.) and other hazards (e.g. earthquakes, volcanoes, tsunamis, landslides, etc.). Also, all cities have poorer neighbourhoods with aging infrastructure (sewers, rainwater drainage networks, etc.) that is becoming ineffective even without the additional pressures due to climate change. These poorer neighbourhoods tend to have high population density, with people living in cramped conditions, in old unsafe buildings, and sometimes in close proximity to hazardous polluting industries. Clearly, this is a disaster waiting to happen when the next storm or the next earthquake arrives! Everyone knows that! National and local governments know that, local businesses know that, international aid agencies and UN agencies should know that, and the people themselves most certainly know that! Yet rarely do we see these risks being reduced before a disaster! Why? This is a question that we must ask even if we don’t have a clear answer to it.
  • The stock of school buildings varies widely in many countries, with some new buildings built to resist major earthquakes and other risks together with older school buildings designed and built decades ago. Often, such older buildings are crumbling without the help of an earthquake or a storm. Countries that have succeeded in improving safety in all their school buildings are countries that have adopted what is referred to as a National School Safety Programs (NSSPs) that takes a long-term view to safety in schools. NSSPs have been successfully adopted in Chile and New Zealand and are promoted in all OECD (Organisation of Economic Cooperation and Development) member countries. Yet in many countries, even including those ranked as middle as high income countries, an NSSP is not even on the agenda! Why? This is another question that we must ask!
  • In our age of globalisation, economies and businesses in different continents are connected by complex supply chain dynamics wherein businesses in the USA depend on parts manufactured in Asia or Europe and vice versa. Businesses rely on the safe functioning of trade routes, including ports and canals, in order to ship and sell their commodities all over the world. If a trade route or a supply chain is interrupted somewhere, capital and investments will leave and not return. In such cases, local economies and livelihoods will be lost and investments wasted. Yet we still see a prevailing mentality of investments pouring into countries with a short-term view of maximising profits irrespective of the sustainability of these profits or the livelihoods producing them.
Risk Governance Framework 2 FHAMDAN
Risk governance framework model. Copyright F. Hamdan

The answer to all of these questions—or, at least, the part of the answer which is often ignored—has to do with the way decisions are made regarding 1) accountability for the creation of risk, 2) what risks we decide to reduce or not reduce, 3) to what levels we reduce those risks, 4) where we get finances to reduce those risk or why we decide not to finance risk reduction, 5) who participates in all of the above decisions and who is excluded in terms of sectors (e.g. banking, industry, commerce, agriculture, natural scientists, social scientists, etc.), and 6) to what degree the decision making process is transparent, subject to scrutiny and accountability (for example: how often are officials held accountable if risk is not reduced or if risk is reintroduced after a disaster?). All of these aspects of decision making related to risk form what we call Risk Governance: how governments arrive at decisions on risk creation and risk reduction, as well as who is allowed to participate in the decision-making process.

It is only recently that we have recognised risk governance as an issue, and so more work needs to be done to rectify problems with risk governance. Improved risk governance is very important because it forms the missing link between the knowledge creation being pioneered by various practitioners, UN agencies, and aid agencies on the one hand and between governments who are ignoring the evidence and not acting on this knowledge on the other hand. Good risk governance will empower all affected people, sectors, and businesses to lobby for enhancing the accountability of decisions regarding risk construction, risk reduction, and risk reintroduction.

But let us first start from the beginning, or near the beginning, of one of the most important international initiatives to manage and reduce risks.

International frameworks and initiatives for disaster risk reduction, including risk governance

The Hyogo Framework for Action 2005 – 2015 (HFA) is a 10-year plan to make the world safer from natural hazards and was endorsed by the UN General Assembly in the Resolution A/RES/60/195 following the 2005 World Disaster Reduction Conference. The HFA set five Priorities for Action for reducing disaster risk between 2005 and 2015:

  1. Ensure that disaster risk reduction is a national and a local priority with a strong institutional basis for implementation.
  2. Identify, assess, and monitor disaster risks and enhance early warning.
  3. Use knowledge, innovation, and education to build a culture of safety and resilience at all levels.
  4. Reduce the underlying risk factors.
  5. Strengthen disaster preparedness for effective response at all levels.

The above priorities for action are meant to be implemented at national, local, and sectoral levels. In particular, their implementation at local levels was strengthened by the development of the Making Cities Resilient Campaign, launched by the UN International Strategy for Disaster Reduction (UNISDR) in May 2010.

jeddah-flood-2011 (Saudi Gazzette)
Jeddah flood, 2011. Courtesy of Saudi Gazzette

In analysing progress in the implementation of the HFA, the following challenges have been observed:

  • More effort is needed to move from a culture of disaster management that focuses on responding to disasters after they occur to a culture of disaster risk management that prevents new risk from accumulating and reduces levels of existing risk before a disaster actually occurs.
  • While significant effort has been directed at planning to respond to disasters and to prevent new risk from accumulating (partly through building codes and land use planning), more effort is required to reduce existing levels of risk. Even when strategies for disaster risk reduction are developed, they are not regularly transformed into policies with corresponding allocations of resources.
  • Additional effort is needed in developing recovery strategies, policies, and plans a priori to ensure that reconstruction of livelihoods and the built environment in the wake of a disaster will not reintroduce risk. We can only avoid reintroducing risk by building back better. However, in many cases, in the wake of a disaster, the pressure to restore services and housing means that risk is created and transferred as a result of a reconstruction process that lacks the necessary scrutiny and participation of various stakeholders.
  • Additional work is needed to understand how risk is constructed and transferred between sectors, which will in turn allow for much-needed enhancement of accountability for risk construction and transfer.
  • Additional effort is required to engage more diverse stakeholders in disaster risk management activities, particularly in the most vulnerable sectors and communities.
  • Capacity-building for local and national governments did not lead to the desired change in disaster risk reduction practices. It was concluded that change can only be effected by focusing on improving risk governance as defined above.
  • In many cases, capacity-building and awareness-raising is driven by supply (e.g. by universities and research institutions, risk management consultancies, etc.) rather than demand and ignores the social, economic, and institutional factors contributing to vulnerability; instead, such efforts focus solely on natural and physical factors contributing to vulnerability.
  • In many cases, too much emphasis is placed on natural factors (e.g. hazard frequency and severity, which are used to produce hazard area and hazard intensity maps) and physical factors (e.g. the physical state of the built environment, critical infrastructure, etc.). Notwithstanding the importance of the physical and natural factors, these alone do not complete our understanding of why vulnerability and risk accumulate (and are allowed to accumulate) and why they are (or are not) reduced. To do that, there is a need to examine the social (construction of risk in informal settlements, limited awareness, social capital), economic (financing disaster risk management from public and private investments, competing sectoral needs) and institutional (e.g. overlap in mandates, gaps in mandates, capacity shortages) factors contributing to vulnerability.

The above challenges are also reflected in The Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction 2015 – 2030 (SFDRR), the successor instrument to the Hyogo Framework for Action, which was adopted at the Third UN World Conference on Disaster Risk Reduction in Sendai, Japan, on March 18, 2015. The SFDRR reviewed the progress of various states in the implementation of the HFA and identified the following challenges: the need for improved understanding of disaster risk; the need to strengthen disaster risk governance; the need for accountability for disaster risk management; the need to be better prepared to “Build Back Better”; the need for recognition of various stakeholders and their roles; the need for mobilization of risk-sensitive investment to avoid the creation of new risk; the need for resilience of health infrastructure, cultural heritage, and work-places; and the need for accountability for risk creation and the transfer of risk. Based on the above, the SFDRR proposed seven global goals, outcomes, and outputs and then identified the following four priorities for action over the coming 15 years, from 2015 up to 2030:

  • Priority 1: Understanding disaster risk.
  • Priority 2: Strengthening disaster risk governance to manage disaster risk.
  • Priority 3: Investing in disaster risk reduction for resilience.
  • Priority 4: Enhancing disaster preparedness for effective responses and to “Build Back Better” in recovery, rehabilitation, and reconstruction.

Gaps in risk governance

jeddah flood 2013
Jeddah flood, 2013.

At this stage, as the SFDRR is being finalised and the monitoring framework and indicators agreed upon, it is useful to elaborate on some of the main governance gaps in the implementation of disaster risk reduction strategies and policies categorised under different headings below:

  • Institutional governance gaps: very few countries worldwide have succeeded in establishing risk governance frameworks to provide checks and balances—in a transparent and participatory manner—throughout the risk management and reduction process.
  • Science-based governance gaps: There is unanimous agreement on the need to improve the science/policy interface, particularly in view of the increased recognition of linkages with sustainable development and climate change. However, the “science” in the science/policy interface is often dominated by earth science and risk management consultancies addressing frequency and severity of natural hazards and/or by engineering consultancies addressing the vulnerability of the built environment and housing, including critical infrastructure. Therefore, often the social, economic, and institutional factors are missing from scientific assessments on vulnerability and risk. In many instances, this leads to “scientific” solutions being developed without addressing the social, economic, and institutional challenges and factors that have led to the accumulation of risk and vulnerability in the first place.
  • Preliminary assessment governance gaps: In many cases, important solutions are not identified or are ignored at the risk framing stage, when the scope of hazards is identified and the qualitative and quantitative methodologies that may be used to assess risk are being selected. For example, as mentioned in the beginning of this article, in the education sector, best practice dictates the adoption of National School Safety Programs (NSSPs) that have proven to be an effective tool in preventing new risk from accumulating in school buildings and in reducing existing levels of risks. However, in many countries worldwide, NSSPs are not identified as a possible solution. A similar argument can be made for other critical infrastructure sectors (e.g. health, industry, energy, water, public sector buildings, and primary responding agencies). Indeed, in many instances, calls for identifying the financing gap—let alone securing the finances—required for ensuring the sustainable development and resilience of cities and sectors within them go unheeded.
  • Comprehensive risk assessment governance gaps: Even though there is scientific evidence that extensive risk (risk that occurs regularly, such as the flood that happens every year due to average year rainfall and is not severe) significantly and disproportionately impacts vulnerable communities and livelihoods, leaving them more vulnerable to intensive risk (which happens rarely, such as the flood corresponding to the storm that happens once every couple of hundred years, but is more severe when it happens), the fact remains that most multi-hazard, vulnerability, and risk assessments continue to a) ignore extensive risk and b) assume that intensive risk happens in a vacuum rather than recognizing that it is superimposed on a socio-economic situation where people and communities allocate resources to address everyday needs and extensive risks (which feel more tangible because they are more frequent).
  • Societal risk governance gaps: Very few countries and cities have mechanisms for carrying out both technical and societal risk assessments, which are important in case of substantial uncertainty associated with the frequency and severity of hazards or with the consequences of its occurrences.
  • Risk evaluation governance gaps: The value of the tolerable and the unacceptable levels of risk should be determined by states and countries depending on their level of development and available financial resources. Setting values of tolerable and unacceptable risks inevitably involves setting a value on saving a human life. However, these decisions are too often made in an implicit, non-transparent manner or, perhaps even more worryingly, these decisions are knowingly or unknowingly delegated to private sector companies.
  • Disaster loss data collation governance gaps: Loss of human lives, sources of income, and assets continues to be influenced by disaster-loss data collation practices that focus on compensation. This automatically implies that those communities that are living in informal housing or whose livelihoods are obtained from the informal sector will not be included in the loss collation exercise, as they are not considered eligible for compensation. However, especially because there is wider recognition of the need to identify and strengthen linkages with sustainable development and climate change, there is a need to widen the scope of disaster loss collation and analysis so it includes direct and indirect losses to livelihoods, lives, and economic sectors irrespective of eligibility for compensation. Furthermore, loss data, when available, is not dis-aggregated according to age, sex, ability, and social and economic backgrounds, making the analysis of factors affecting vulnerability more challenging.
  • Recovery governance gaps: Few countries and cities have developed a priori recovery plans so that the reconstruction process will not reintroduce risks into the built environment, critical infrastructure, and livelihoods. Having a priori plans is particularly important when the reconstruction process is being financed using public debt for developments that are unsustainable. These will have to be paid for by future generations who will not reap the benefits of the unsustainable development.
  • Financing risk reduction governance gaps: all countries and states have fixed budgets with competing sectors and stakeholders for resource allocation. There is a need to understand why certain strategies and policies for risk reduction are not being implemented, how the winners and losers are determined as a result of decisions being made regarding where public funds are directed, and the type of incentives given to the private sector.
  • Governance gaps regarding the regulatory role of governments in disaster risk reduction: National and local governments are allocating resources for responding to disasters. More recently, through land use and building codes, amongst others, new risk is prevented from accumulating via sound investment and development decisions by both the private and public sectors. Through such decisions, governments are fulfilling part of their stewardship role of protecting people against external hazards. Currently, this role is not being completely fulfilled because existing risk is not being sufficiently reduced. In addition, governments are explicitly reviewing and refining mandates for disaster risk management to ensure they are capable of fulfilling their managerial role in disaster risk management. The main gap, however, is in the regulatory role of governments. Governments are required to protect people and sectors against risks created by other individuals and sectors. This was one of the main gaps in the HFA and therefore it is necessary to ensure that it is sufficiently addressed during implementation of the SFDRR. In turn, this requires us all to address the challenging task of understanding how risk is created by sectors and individuals and the manner in which it is transferred, legitimately or maliciously, to other sectors and individuals.

A proposed way forward

jeddah floods 2013
Jeddah floods, 2013

Risk management consultancies have vested interests in focusing on the natural and physical factors contributing to vulnerability. Other stakeholders, including insurance companies and contracting and construction companies, may have other vested interests related to risk transfer and recovery practices. Many practitioners are trying to balance these vested interests by calling for a risk governance process to manage all decisions and by producing evidence-based arguments showing the need for risk governance. However, these arguments produced by practitioners will not effect change unless they are taken on board by concerned and affected citizens and stakeholders who want to improve the environment in which we live.

Therefore, it is important for us—disaster risk management practitioners, urban designers, and others—to recognize that we must increase our efforts to ensure that we are providing the needed advice to decision makers. However, perhaps more importantly, we must also view our work as trying to act as the missing link: to inform the public debate that is taking place around disaster risk and resilience, thereby providing the public (the ultimate decision maker) with the scientific tools to carry out scientific, evidence-based lobbying to reduce disaster risk and improve resilience.

Fadi Hamdan
Beirut

On The Nature of Cities

Rock, Tree, Human

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.

As a Brooklyn (New York) resident for over 15 years, I’ve never thought much about whether or not I was living on high ground, within a floodplain or an evacuation zone, or how I might secure my windows during a storm.  Recent hurricanes in my city have changed my perception of where I live and, ultimately, the places that have meaning in my community.

As friends and neighbors gathered in my Carroll Gardens apartment to shelter in place during last October’s Hurricane Sandy, we enjoyed conversation and good food.  Our children, delighted by the novelty of the event, made up endless games and watched more than their typical allotment of YouTube videos.  Around midnight, a friend stopped by our apartment on her way home from her job in Manhattan.  I used this excuse to go outside to check on the large London Plane trees that have long surrounded my neighborhood park.  Despite the wind and rain, I could see the large, ominous forms of trees on the ground.  I retreated back upstairs.

The next morning, my friends returned to their house in Red Hook to survey damages.  I took the kids out for much-needed fresh air.  The park was filled with similar groups of slightly bedraggled parents alongside energetic youngsters eager to return to outdoor play.

Things in the park had changed.  It was strewn with tree limbs and there was significant damage to the play courts.  Several old trees had crashed to the ground.  Wrought-iron and chain link fencing was crushed.  As we followed the length of one downed tree, it led us out of the park and across Carroll Street where its upper trunk came to rest on a parked car and its canopy blocked the entrance to a stately brownstone.  There were several people surveying the damage.  I was struck by their silence.  Suddenly, one of my young charges squeezed through the line of onlookers, inspected the remains of what was once a fancy, red sports car, and proclaimed loudly, “Sheesh, I’m glad that wasn’t our car!”  Laughter ensued.  We continued along what was clearly a spontaneous pilgrimage to all of the fallen trees in the area.  Street trees.  Park trees.

And then we come upon one of the most significant sites of tree loss.

CP Tree Root_1CP Tree Workers_2For decades, this stately little leaf linden tree stood in a corner of the park, in a small gated area ringed by flowering shrubs.  It stood in an area adjacent to basketball courts, benches and a water fountain.  The tree’s presence, next to a large boulder, invited a different experience for the park user: one that was more peaceful.  Young parents brought their toddlers here to quietly sit upon the shaded rock.  Groups of school-aged children often scrambled atop the rock to share secrets or engage in free play in the slightly more subdued place.  At dusk, teenagers typically positioned themselves here to look out for friends or spend time talking.  Early risers have used this spot to stretch, meditate and greet the morning sun.

At the base of this fallen giant, someone left a bouquet of flowers still encased in plastic wrap from a corner deli.  I wondered whether this was the same bouquet I noticed over the weekend at the base of a temporary memorial in the park.  Perhaps the wind had blown this small offering around and another person had decidedly placed it at the base of the fallen park tree?  Or were the flowers meant only to commemorate the tree?

What seemed to matter most was the connectivity between the two events.  Humans use nature as symbols—typically rocks, trees and gardens—to celebrate life and to mourn death.  We convene around these symbols to mark the passage of time.  Here, the tree, or perhaps this former union of rock, tree, and human, was the object of our memorialization.

Amidst the grave destruction of human life and property, someone paused to mark the tree’s death.

CP Tree Looker_3Working for the U.S. Forest Service, I have become acutely aware of cycles of disturbance and resilience.  When a forest burns, there are winners and losers among the flora and fauna.  Some creatures lose nests or burrows, feeding or breeding grounds.  Others flourish as they gain space, light and air.  Disturbance is part of life in the woods and, ultimately, we never walk the same forest twice.  The quality of resilience often depends upon time and conditions before any disturbance.  Having worked as an urban forester and now a researcher of the urban forest, I revere the way in which individuals and groups often embrace nature after a significant disturbance.

In many cases, ‘nature’ was the very thing that destroyed lives, homes and communities.  Hurricanes. Ice Storms. Tornados. Floods.  After each of these disturbances, there is recovery.  Consider your own experience with such events.  After the emergency responders have moved on, someone inevitably calls for the need to plant a tree, build a garden, or reclaim a piece of the shoreline.  Often, these humble expressions have served to remind us that the most vulnerable people often live in the most fragile places, made worse by social segregation and environmental degradation.  And even after ‘not-so-natural’ disasters, as in the case of the September 11th terrorist attacks, we’ve witnessed hundreds of individuals and groups decide to plant trees and create living memorials that stand not only in remembrance of those killed, but of the universal bonds between loved ones and communities.

For decades, we have seen this same, patterned response of emergent stewardship from people living in urban areas where populations have declined, housing has deteriorated, and employment has waned.  In these forlorn places, we have seen the rise of vibrant community gardens, pocket parks, window boxes, tree lots and the like.  It has been my experience as a researcher delving into human motivations of urban stewards, that many of these acts evoke the spirit of the forest.  No matter how humble or small, these efforts loom large in the cycle of disturbance and resilience.

At some point along the path of recovery, we can lose sight of the importance of these actions.  We tend to focus on more instrumental or utilitarian questions such as: What can nature do for us?  How much is a tree worth?  How much can our wetlands and green streets absorb to save our homes and businesses from flooding?

This type of thinking is entirely reasonable when one realizes that yes, as humans we are part of nature.  And, as humans, we are the only species that can rise to a level of abstraction to actually do anything about the long-term stewardship of our ecosystems.  Thankfully, there are researchers, policy-makers and citizens working hard to help address these questions but we might consider there are some answers that are quite clear.

CP Tree Stays_4Earlier this spring, I had the honor to introduce a special lecture on ‘The Benefits of Urban Trees,’ by U.S. Forest Service scientist, Dr. David Nowak.  The lecture was part of a series to celebrate the release of a vibrant, new book of photography by Benjamin Swett, entitled “New York City of Trees.”  As I prepared my introduction, I found it remarkable that both scientist and artist had found profound, but strikingly different ways to value and understand the urban forest.

Dr. Nowak’s i-Tree model has been used by hundreds of cities throughout the world to quantify the environmental benefits of urban trees.  These benefits include cooler air temperatures, air pollution removal, carbon storage and household energy savings.  Mr. Swett, on the other hand, presents the urban tree as a ‘keeper of the city’s past.’  He depicts trees as part of the collective memory through a mix of personal stories, historical events and artistry.  In one account of a massive Eastern Cottonwood in a corner lot on Staten Island, the reader learns this tree has meaning that spans generations in the community.  The tree’s great expanse triggers memories of a parent, a grandparent, a house.  Memory continues to shape place and purpose.  I was reminded through these two distinct works how fortunate we are to have both artist and scientist value the urban forest, creating varied lenses to understand the essential relationship between rock, trees and humans.

As the audience awaited Dr. Nowak’s top benefit of the urban forest with great anticipation—(Hint: think temperature)—I was pondering the number two benefit of our urban trees: aesthetics and social benefits.  Nearly all of the benefits, including temperature, had certain values listed.  But why were aesthetics and social benefits marked ‘uncertain’?  Isn’t this value universally known?  Hasn’t it stood the test of time?

I think it’s fair to surmise that when my neighborhood tree fell down in Carroll Park, residents did not immediately mourn the loss of a few dollars in home heating and cooling bills.  Nor is it likely that they lamented its capacity to absorb water and carbon.  It is not to suggest that these benefits are not important, but only to have us reflect on the idea that quantifying and qualifying the loss of this tree is dependent upon one’s frame of reference.  At the scale of an energetic five-year-old and a parent wanting to escape the confines of an average sized, two-bedroom, Brooklyn apartment, we mourn the shade this tree provided as children spent endless hours climbing the rock beneath its branches and playing with twigs near its base.  We’ll miss the cool haven it provided during the hot summer months.  I know that many will recall the dappled sunlight and the brilliant, colorful turn of its leaves each fall.  And we will be forced to find another way for rock, tree and humans to interact to create a seemingly ordinary but decidedly sacred space.

In this way, we know what this tree was worth in terms of social benefits to the surrounding community.

When we look to the long arc of history, we can understand social value even further.  In the writings of our greatest philosophers and work of acclaimed artists of all kinds, we find inspiration from nature.  In the speeches of world leaders, we hear language that acknowledges the interplay between nature and the quality of human life.  In the actions of those engaged in social movements and acts of resistance, tree planting and reclaiming nature has become an effective ‘weapon of the weak’.  We tend to reduce these acts to gestures, moments, stories or fleeting shouts in the street.  But they are more than that.  When we discover the true value of urban nature it is social and it is transformative.  It becomes the place from where we may set a course of change and discovery.

Do we need to quantify what exists before our own eyes?

CP Tree Play_5Back in Carroll Park, there is an active group of park volunteers.  The storm’s aftermath has sparked a great deal of activity in terms of clean ups and repair.  I’m not certain who led the decision to leave a significant portion of our downed tree alongside the rock or even what exactly they had in mind in doing so.  I do know that many of my neighbors have whispered in passing, “I hope they leave it on the ground.”  In my own wanderings around the park, I’ve observed a wide range of people, young and old, pause to admire the downed tree.  Neighborhood children delight in touching it, climbing it and being in the company of this old friend.

We never experience same forest twice, as both people and place are constantly evolving. Carroll Park is different, post-storm.  My perception of it has changed, as I have changed, deepening my understanding of public space and human agency in the recovery process.  Somehow park volunteers and managers did more than repair the park, but improved it as they created opportunities for the public to experience the reciprocity of nature.  In a dynamic and ever-changing urban environment, they sustained and strengthened a place of social meaning.

Not unlike our vast wilderness areas in the American West, our urban forests have much to teach us not only about disturbance, but about what constitutes resilience.

Erika S. Svendsen
New York City

I’d like to acknowledge the dedication and care of the Friends of Carroll Park in their stewardship of a precious community resource.  I’d like to thank Mary Northridge, Sara Metcalf, and Denise Hoffman Brandt for their recent conversations that have inspired many of these ideas. And thanks to my young friend, Shane.

All photos are by Erika S. Svendsen.

 

SALT: Restoration + Recreation = Water in California

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.
The Mountain View Cemetery in Oakland was created by visionary landscape architect Frederick Law Olmstead whose designs “staged nature”. Our miniature tent in this setting considers the compromise between anthropogenic interests and non-human nature.
It is late June and we are up to our knees floating a small tent sculpture in a containment pond filled with a thick green milkshake-like goo. A combination of duck week and blue-green algae (cyanobacteria), this overgrowth or bloom is probably caused by fertilizer run-off from the surrounding cemetery grounds.

We are working on a photographic series exploring the connection between the reclamation of ponds and marshes and their promotion for recreational activity. The Mountain View Cemetery in Oakland was created by visionary landscape architect Frederick Law Olmstead whose designs “stage nature” by directing the gaze of the viewer and engaging contemplation of our place in the living world. The introduction of our miniature tent into this setting considers the compromise between anthropogenic interests and non-human nature.

Duckweed and Algal Bloom, Camping in a Graveyard Pond, Oakland CA, summer 2017. Image courtesy of Robin Lasser and Marguerite Perret
Seed burrs from California hedge parsley growing around the pond. Captured with a toy microscope, Mountain View Cemetery, Oakland, 2017. Photo: Image courtesy of Robin Lasser and Marguerite Perret
Eden’s Landing Emergency Relief Tent, Hayward Wetlands, summer 2017. Image courtesy of Robin Lasser and Marguerite Perret

Covered in dried algae and hitchhiking seed burrs, we pack our gear into the car. It is getting late, we want to get to Eden’s Landing before sunset.

Eden’s Landing emergency relief tent celebrates a Bay Area environmental victory; the restoration of the artificially made salt ponds flanking the southern shores of the bay back to its original wetlands eco system. As far as changing the physical structure of Southern San Francisco Bay, no industry, not even waste disposal, has had as great an impact on the environment. In the past, more of the south bay had been diked and ponded for salt than not. Eden’s Landing emergency relief tent, as an intervention in this landscape, becomes a celebratory marker for this important transition of the land and water back to their original states.

Living in and on mats of filamentous algae. Captured with a toy microscope, Eden’s Landing, 2017. Image courtesy of Robin Lasser and Marguerite Perret

The return of natural tidal flows along the South San Francisco bay constitutes one of the largest wetland restoration projects in history, turning stagnant industrial ponds into vital sustainable ecologies. Salt has been harvested from the San Francisco Bay since the mid-19th century in a patchwork of salt evaporation ponds. Cargill, an agricultural chemical company based in Minneapolis is the contemporary entity overseeing this process. Cargill works with Morton salt which processes the harvest.

Cargill / Morton Salt Mountain, Hayward, CA, 2017. Photo: Robin Lasser

Things changed in 2003 when a large swath of coastline was returned to the public as a wildlife preserve. Since that time, the wetlands are recovering and now support migratory birds, brine shrimp, fish, and people! The restoration areas are now popular recreation sites for hiking, kayaking and photography.

Video: Electrical towers stretching over the restored salt marsh at the Don Edwards National Wildlife Refuge. Human infrastructure shares the environment with endangered species such as the California gray fox and the western snowy plover.

The next day we crossed through Yosemite arriving at Mono Lake in time to witness the setting sun glowing hot magenta, hurling shimmering embers across the surface of the water before disappearing behind the Sierra Nevada mountains. Tufa formations along the lake banks and extending into the shallows reinforced a sense of an otherworldly landscape. Tufas are calcium carbonate columns, the result of freshwater mineral springs beneath the surface reacting with the alkaline water of the lake. Their visibility is evidence of an incomplete recovery; they should be underwater. And the dramatic color, amplified as light scattered over atmospheric particulates from the wildfires in nearby Mariposa, was a consequence of drought and human negligence. Sometimes beauty is deceptively complicated.

Miniature tent among the tufas, Mono Lake sunset augmented by the Mariposa fires, June 2017. Image courtesy of Robin Lasser and Marguerite Perret

Located 350 miles north of Los Angeles in the Eastern Sierras, the tributaries that feed Mono Lake were diverted for city use for over seven decades dropping the lake level 40 feet until successive litigations finally halted withdrawals. Mono Lake is part of an Endorheic basin, a system with no outlet save evaporation. Normally the lake is already three times saltier than the ocean. But evaporation without adequate replenishment precipitated a near ecological collapse in one of North America’s oldest lakes. Conditions have improved, but the vicissitudes of climate change are still a threat.

The next day was hot. Carrying awkwardly shaped, heavy, three-foot steel armature tent sculptures a mile through scrub brush to photograph under the dessert sun is a sweaty business, so we went for a swim. Swimming in Mono Lake is encouraged. The water is warm with a distinctive slippery feel. Pinkish clouds in the blue water are formed by trillions of tiny Artemia monica, a species of brine shrimp unique to Mono Lake. Small brown/black flies rested along the shore. The lake biome is contingent on brine shrimp and alkali flies; the shrimp and flies eat algae and the birds eat the shrimp and flies; as long as there is an inflow of water and stable pH levels the system works. Simple.

Brine shrimp. Captured with a toy microscope, Mono Lake, CA, 2017. Image courtesy of Robin Lasser and Marguerite Perret

Tourists from all over the world passed us by as we worked. A few paused to watch with puzzled looks. A group of visitors from Germany asked: Are you shooting an advertisement? We thought, yes, in a way, and replied: We are making images that encourage recreational use of the lake to build support for conservation. One of the men smiled appreciatively: Oh yes, we were just reading about this.

Beauty and rarity alone are never enough. Humans need a reason, a benefit.

Reclamation + Recreation = Water.

Mono Lake Tent Encampment, summer, 2017. Image courtesy of Robin Lasser and Marguerite Perret

Robin Lasser and Marguerite Perret
Oakland and Topeka

On The Nature of Cities

Marguerite Perret

About the Writer:
Marguerite Perret

Marguerite Perret conducts collaborative, arts-based research that scrutinizes the narratives inherent at the interstices of art, science, healthcare and personal experience.

Saving a Sense of Place, Saving Our Home / 拯救地方感,拯救家乡

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.
This winter holiday, I initiated, with some friends I grew up with, a local program called Legends of Sevenli. We created a platform to record the beautiful parts of our sense of place, and to inspire such a sense in other local people. 这个寒假,我和我的朋友们在家乡发起了一个名为‘七里传说’的项目,通过微信公众平台记录地方感之美,期以引起更多当地人共鸣。
Webinar of Urban Environmental Education online class. 城市环境教育在线课程视频会议 Photo: Yueyang Yu.

Sometimes, as we strive to embrace our future, we are quick to abandon our past. In the process of changing and growing, do we let go of those elements that formed the foundation of who we are, the things that tether us to the place we came from, or do we reflect on them and see them in a new light?

有时候,人越着急追求未来,过去的痕迹也褪得越快。在变化中成长,在成长中变化。面对那些曾定义了“我们是谁、我们从哪儿来”的答案,是放手?还是反思?或者,是做点什么呢?

Last April, I participated in a Cornell University online course called Urban Environmental Education, it was here that I first learned about a “sense of place”. This concept soon led me to ideas I have never thought about before.

去年四月,通过康奈尔大学的在线课程《城市环境教育》,我第一次听闻了“地方感”这一概念,并顿时思如泉涌,联想到了我的家乡。

My hometown and sense of place
我的家乡和地方感

The construct of a sense of place first reminded me of something interesting about my hometown, particularly about its name. I am from a place called Qinling, but I promise you will never find this place on a map of China except for the famous Qinling mountains, where my family and I definitely do not live. If you ask local people in my hometown where “Qilizhen” is, few of them could help you, because they probably have never been told they are, in fact, officially in Qilizhen. The first name, Qinling, is actually a convenient name, used by local people for more than sixty years, while the second name, Qilizhen, is the official name, yet not important to local life. I started to wonder if Qinling is derived from our sense of place. Are we calling our hometown by a name that reflects something about our forebears’ sense of place?

首先,我联想到了关于我的家乡很有趣的一点——它的名字。我会说我来自一个叫秦岭的地方,但在中国地图上你却不一定找得到它。即使是的确叫做秦岭的秦岭山,也离我家还有相当一段距离。你可以再问问当地人“七里镇在哪”,相信他们几乎也回答不上来,因为基本上没人在讲“这里就是七里镇”。事实上,“秦岭”是我们当地人已经使用了超过六十年的惯称,而“七里镇”则是当地行政区划的官名(1966年开始使用)。可为什么惯称更容易被接受和流传呢?或许是因为“秦岭”这个名字和我们或者长辈的地方感有关?

View of Qinling. 秦岭局部鸟瞰图 Photo: http://www.snxingping.gov.cn

First, Qilizhen extends beyond the border of Qinling. It not only includes Huaxing, which is next to and very similar to Qinling, but also includes the several villages surrounding the two districts. Qinling and Huaxing are not big—it takes no more than twenty minutes to walk from one end to the other, but both provide everything you need, so there is often no reason to go very far. To local people, Qinling and Huaxing are two different places. And similar to those in Qinling, most people in Huaxing have never heard of Qilizhen either. How were these place names created and how did they come down through generations?

“七里镇”,实际上是包括“秦岭”、“华兴”和周边农村的区域名称。“秦岭”和“华兴”相邻、相似且都不大,大概二十分钟就能从各自的东头走到西头。由于基本上能满足生活的一切需求了,所以对当地人来说,也没什么理由外出太远。对他们来说,秦岭和华兴是两个不同的地方;作为华兴人和秦岭人,也都对“七里镇”没怎么听说过。那么这样根深蒂固的惯称是如何产生和传承下来的呢?

To find out, I asked my grandparents.

于是,我主动去问了我的姥姥姥爷。我的姥爷在上世纪五十年代就从上海来到了这里。

Introduction of Qilizhen on Baidu Baike (China’s Wikipedia). 百度百科对七里镇的介绍.

The names Qinling and Huaxing came from the factories they were built around. In the 1950s, two factories were built on this land and workers from cities all over China came here for the jobs. Some workers migrated with their families; some came alone and formed their families here. Factory workers constituted most of the local community at that time, so when the people started using the names of the factories, Qinling and Huaxing, to identify where they worked and lived, the new names stuck. They built up the town from wastelands and farmlands to more closely resemble the cites to which they were accustomed. For example, local buildings were built in the same style as city buildings of the day; they set up hospitals, schools, bus stations and stores, which were rare in the towns before; and they divided residential areas according to a common urban style.

秦岭华兴实际上是当地两个国企工厂的名字。上世纪五十年代,秦岭华兴建厂,并在全国范围招工。有的工人是和家人一起迁过来的;有的则是来了才组建家庭。由于这个地方当时基本上就是农村间的空地,所以当时定居下来的人几乎都是迁来的工人和他们的家庭。由于习惯里工作和住所不分家,所以渐渐地工厂的名字便成了地方的惯称了。于是,农村间的空地在他们的建设下一座小镇拔地而起,照着他们习惯的城市的样子:精心设计的建筑,全面的社区设施和按街坊划分的居民区……都是这里不曾有的。

Fuxin building, which was once the center of Qinling. 福鑫楼,曾经的秦岭中心. Photo: Yueyang Yu
Qinling Qiyuan Park. 秦岭憩园. Photo: Yueyang Yu
There are many sculptures in Qinling Qiyuan, among them fairies, geese, deer, fish, and frogs. 憩园中随处可见的雕塑,有仙女、天鹅、鹿、鱼和青蛙等. Photo: Yueyang Yu
Qinling Qiyuan Park was created in June,1990, next to Qinling factory. 憩园建设于1990年6月,位于秦岭厂旁边. Photo: Yueyang Yu

The new towns were built less for the workers themselves and more for their children. My mother’s generation grew up in local schools and most of her peers stayed in Qinling and Huaxing to work in the factories where their parents’ generation also worked. Her generation joined in building the town as well, so they were also builders. The two generations of builders often couldn’t speak the local Shaanxi dialect, but they could speak Mandarin or the dialects from where they grew up. For example, my grandfather speaks Mandarin and Shanghai dialect, but my mother can only speak Mandarin. Even today, those old and middle-aged migrants appear to have more common words with distant city people but share fewer common words with countryside people who are geographically closer to where they now live. Over the past 60 years, the urban community of migrants and their families have become very close but have not bonded with nearby farmers.

虽然是为了工作而来,但无论如何定居下来总要为了下一代着想,于是当一个完整的生活社区逐渐建成,也形成了我妈妈那代人常见的就地教育进厂工作的闭环。我妈妈那代人也是社区的建设者,并见证了九十年代的发展高潮。不过,你会发现两代的社区建设者们通常都不太会说陕西话,更多讲普通话和他们原籍的方言。比如,我的姥爷讲普通话和上海话,而我妈妈只会讲普通话。甚至在今天,当地上了年纪的人也似乎与城里人更有共同语言,而不是生活在他们周边的农村人。毕竟,秦岭华兴很好地将自己与农村区别开来。在过去的六十年中,秦岭人华兴人生活关系紧密、社区联络很强,这里就仿佛是城市一隅。

Soviet-style buildings built nearly 50 years ago. 50年前的苏联式建筑. Photo: Yueyang Yu

Although many families have moved to nearby bigger cities in recent years, such as Xianyang and Xi’an, Qinling and Huaxing remain a significant part of their life-long identity. My grandparents, parents, and their friends often talk about how fast changes are taking place, satisfied with their life today, but also speaking of the past fondly. There was no reason for them to leave, for Qinling/Huaxing provides everything they need to live, and also becomes something they own, something that can’t exist without them. This is especially true for my grandparents’ generation, who came here in 1950s. Qinling/Huaxing witnessed almost every moment of peace and chaos in their past collectivistic life, when each of them was highly bonded with the fate of the country, when their work was such a contribution to the country—a cause of honor. During specific periods in China, my grandparents and parents’ generations survived a series of ups and downs, as a result they developed strong place meanings and attachments as part of their values, and thus formed a deep-rooted sense of place.

虽然近年来,许多家庭还是搬去了临近的大城市,比如咸阳和西安,但是“秦岭人”和“华兴人”始终还都是他们难以忘却的重要身份。留在这里目睹了发展和变化的两代建设者们,也能在对如今生活的满足中欣慰地回忆起过去。“秦岭”和“华兴”,不仅给了他们生活的一切,也是他们所拥有的;而他们也是“秦岭”和“华兴”存在的意义所在。尤其是对我姥姥姥爷的那一代人,他们自五十年代陆陆续续来到这里,可以说,“秦岭”和“华兴”见证了他们过去集体生活的涨落起伏。“那个时候人心很齐”,每个人都能自觉地将自己与国家的命运紧密结合,不仅视自己的工作为对国家的贡献,也骄傲于这样一项荣誉的事业。于是,强烈的地方意义和依附感成了他们价值观的一部分;也正是如此的价值观,也才成就一批人深刻的地方感。

Sense of place crisis

地方感危机

However, since the 1980s, as my generation came of age (I was born in 1996), things began to change. For example, this period saw both the implementation of China’s one-child policy and the nation-wide administering of the National Higher Education Entrance Examination. As a result, our experiences are different than those of earlier generations. For example, we have no experience building a town, or even planting a tree as my uncle did, as a family’s only child should be protected. Nor are we expected to stay here, so we long for bigger cities, new identities, achievements, and seek new values. It hard for us to understand why our parents and grandparents stayed in these small places. Qinling and Huaxing became nothing more than two distant names for us.

自八十年代起,是我们这一代人的到来(我出生于1996年),颠覆性的变化也开始出现。这一时期,独生子女政策实施,高考制度正式恢复。我们这一代人独自探索在同长辈们截然不同的人生道路上。我们没有建设过社区,甚至没有像我的舅舅一样种过一棵树。因为独生子女是一家子的唯一希望,是要受保护的。同时,我们也不再被期望留下来,反而被鼓励去大城市,去获得新身份新成就,去寻找新的价值。当我们开始难以理解为什么长辈们宁愿一直呆在小地方时,“秦岭”和“华兴”,对我们来说也不外乎就是两个地方的两个名字而已了。

The children’s trampoline, where we played twenty years, ago is still open for children. 儿童蹦蹦床,二十年前就在玩,现在还开放给孩子们. Photo: Yueyang Yu
The “best-ever elephant” slide for local children. 大象滑梯,同样有超过二十年的历史. Photo: Yueyang Yu

Education is largely responsible for the shift. On the one hand, the information we receive through school education, from kindergarten, primary, to middle school, is often about how much better it is in the new, bigger outside world; on the other, the education itself also gets tougher as we grow up. We are thus strongly motivated by the contrast to “finish and harvest”, which is the success in college entrance examination.

与此同时,教育也起着关键的影响。一方面,我们通过幼儿园、小学和中学教育获得的信息不外乎都是关于“外面更大的新世界有多好”;另一方面,越长越大,教育本身也越来越艰苦。于是在这样的反差下,我们拼命地想“结束并丰收”,就是在高考中获得成功——离开艰苦的教育,前往美好的新世界。

Besides, as we value the individual benefits of modern education so much, we can’t help but blame our small-town origins for placing us on the downside of an unbalanced distribution of education resources too. Therefore, the contrast again undermines the positive aspects of the place and even disturbs its interpretation. The relatively unsatisfactory local conditions, once compared with cities, would be ever more obvious signs of backwardness and poverty to us. And an increasing number of migrants from rural areas are also perceived to be lowering our community quality. When such uncomfortable thoughts finally arrive at an intention of abandoning Qinling/Huaxing, making it even more real, our original care and love for the place seems worthless, and even the strong part of sense of place turns to a sense of shame. “This place is good for nothing. When will I be rid of this small poor place?”

除此之外,坚定的“知识改变命运”信仰也让我们没办法不去埋怨我们小地方的教育资源弱势,甚至把“小地方”视为绊脚石。尤其和城市一对比,“小地方”看起来就更不怎么样了。同时,随着更多农村人口的迁入,社区质量也被认为降低了。消极的感受日积月累,直到立志要抛弃“秦岭”和“华兴”,“小地方”消极的一面也更加真实了。以往对家的关心和留恋变得没用,甚至地方感越强,羞愧感也越强,因为这都成了“没出息”的表现。“这个小地方没出路的!我什么时候能摆脱这里呢?”

Trash in the old residential area, where the poorest people of the town now live. 老街坊的垃圾堆,老街坊成了当地大多数经济困难人口的居住地.  Photo: Yueyang Yu

I can’t say our sense of place is broken, or gone, or wrong, or whatever, but indeed the sense of place crisis is felt here. No one is making a voice for the place, so there is no one listening.

是我们的地方感是破碎了?消失了?失常了?还是怎么了呢?不过在这里,你能确实感受到一股“地方感危机”。没有人在为这里发声,也因此没有人在听。

What if there were a reminder for local people, or a place to record memories and history, a platform to rediscover something about the place they live? Would it be an opportunity to increase people’s positive sense of the place? Thanks to my experience with Cornell University’s online Urban Environmental Education course, I learned of some promising approaches to address the crisis, such as digital story-telling and place-based education.

如果能给当地人一个提醒,或者能记录起这里的记忆和历史……如果能有这样一个平台能帮助他们重新发现这里,那会怎么样呢?或许会是一个机会能让大家正视“小地方”的积极面?或许能拯救“地方感”?还是通过康奈尔大学的《城市环境教育》在线课程,我学到了一些有望缓解危机的方法,比如数字传媒和在地教育。

Action for our sense of place!

为我们的地方感行动!

The logo card of Legends of Sevenli. 七里传说名片. Photo: Yueyang Yu
Landmarks blogging column showing local tales about important local spots. 七里地标栏目记录七里镇重要地点的故事. Photo: Yueyang Yu

I still remember that last summer when I brought home the questions about my sense of place, how the familiar landscape suddenly appeared so different before my eyes. I even felt myself energized to learn more about my place for the first time. I started to care about questions like what it was like before and why it had changed. I became curious about how the town was built half a century ago and felt proud of it for the first time. I also felt happy when I discovered that I felt angry to find that the land had not been well cared for, because I believed this was how my sense of place should work. Besides, the idea of having a sense of place has given me an adult perspective on my hometown: “What can I do for it, even if I will not live here for long, but I am still part of it, forever?”

依旧记得上个夏天,我首次带着对地方感的思考回到家乡,竟发现以往熟悉的景象忽然变得如此与众不同,那是一种被激发的感觉,是我第一次想要去好好了解一下这个地方。我开始好奇这里那里变化以前的模样,以及为什么变化。我渴望了解这半个世纪的社区建设史,也是第一次为这里感到骄傲。我也欣喜地发现,自己因为这里那里没有被照料好而感到空前的愤怒。这才是好好表达自己地方感的样子啊!除此之外,地方感也启发了我更成熟地看待自己与家乡的关系—“我能为它做什么呢?即使我将不会在这里住很久了,但我仍然是它的一部分,永远啊?”

Cuisines blogging column showing good foods and happy memories. 七里佳肴栏目讲述七里镇的美食记忆. Photo: Yueyang Yu
Old Home blogging column showing old life stories in a specific area. 七里老家栏目讲述在七里镇老街坊的生活故事. Photo: Yueyang Yu
Childhood blogging column showing memories of our early life in the town. 七里童话栏目讲述在七里镇的童年记忆. Photo: Yueyang Yu

This winter holiday, I initiated with some friends I grew up with, a local program called Legends of Sevenli (i.e., Qili). We created a WeChat public account (a popular blogging and social media platform in China) to record the beautiful parts of our sense of place, and to inspire such a sense in other local people. During the whole month of the winter holiday, we posted about 20 place-based articles to four special columns—Old Home, Landmarks, Childhood, and Cuisines. Old Home collects pieces of story cards from local people related to their old life in a certain area. Landmarks provides local tales about important local spots, such as statues. Childhood gathers memories of our early life in the town, happy or unhappy, excited or upset. Cuisines “re-cooks” those tasty foods, bringing readers back to good times in the town. Happily, some of the articles were very popular among local people, receiving a thousand hits, and were even subscribed to by local newspapers.

于是,这个寒假我和我的朋友们在家乡发起了一个名为‘七里传说’的项目,通过微信公众平台记录地方感之美,期以引起更多当地人共鸣。在寒假的一整个月中,我们创作了约二十篇和地方相关的文章,并分了四个栏目,即七里老家、七里地标、七里童话和七里佳肴。七里老家希望能收集当地人过去在老街坊生活的故事片段;七里地标讲述当地重要地点的故事,比如雕塑和老建筑;七里童话记录在七里镇童年的喜怒哀乐;七里佳肴从地方美食的角度回忆地方故事。令人欣喜的是,一些文章很受欢迎,获得了上千的阅读量;有的甚至还刊登在了地方报纸上。

A comment made by my grandfather’s friend regarding an article on old 10th Street, very beautifully describing the summer and fall of the street fifty years ago. 姥爷的朋友在一篇讲述十街老街坊的文章下评论,怀念了五十年前那里的春夏之美. Photo: Yueyang Yu

My friends and I also successfully organized a three-day story map activity with local children and teenagers. Even though only a few joined in, we were happy because we were doing something for local people. Two teams collaborated to draw one map of an old residential area and collected stories for the map using self-reflection and interviews. As university students, we also taught the children what we have learned, such as how to draw a professional map, and how to interview family members and strangers.

我和我的朋友们也成功组织了一次为期三天的故事地图活动,面向七里镇的少年儿童。即使坚持参与到最后的孩子不多,但我们还是为我们的行动骄傲,至今还在回味那段令人激动的经历。第三天,两支队伍合作完成了十街老街坊地图的绘制,并通过反省和采访的方式收集了十几个小故事。而在之前,我们几个大学生也将我们在大学学到的教给了参与的小伙伴们,比如如何绘制专业的地图,如何采访家人和陌生人等。

At last, it became obvious that the organizers, once so determined to abandon the place, had rediscovered its beauty and began reconstructing a new sense of place, and are now ready to take more efforts to improve their hometown too.

我们这些组织者们也格外感受到了家乡的另外一面,好像重新发现了它的美和精贵,有了一种新的地方感,也期待着为家乡做出更多努力。

Story map activity. 故事地图活动. Photo: Yueyang Yu
Story map activity. 故事地图活动. Photo: Yueyang Yu

Program sustainability?

项目的可持续性?

However, the winter holiday was short, so the aforementioned is all we have done so far. Since returning to our schools for the new semester, it has been not easy for our group to meet again for new activities and articles. The public account of Legends of Sevenli has already been quiet for three months. We invited a middle school teacher to join us as local facilitator, to help collect articles from other teachers and students to keep the public account alive. Unfortunately he was unable to participate because of an unpredictable work load in the new semester. So, it comes to the question of program sustainability. How do we make the program sustainable? Or, is program sustainability even necessary?

然而寒假苦短,也只能就此作罢。开学返校后,我们组织者的几个人见个面或者再商量个事儿都很困难,七里传说的公众号也不得不寂静了三个月多。我们曾邀请了一名当地的中学老师作为“七里传说”的地方联络人,协助从师生收集文章,以充实公众号内容。不过因为新学期中高考的工作压力,他也不得不婉拒了我们。所以问题来了,我们该如何让这个项目可持续呢?或者这个项目本身的可持续性是否必要呢?

We have had serious discussions about our individual time commitments, needs and career demands with regard to finding ways to sustain the program. Unfortunately, there is very little agreement among us, because none of us are in a position to take on the level of entrepreneurship a sustainable program requires. We don’t want to give up on the important idea that originally generated this project; reinforcing our sense of place. It is a worthy goal to continue to strive for; but continuing the program requires a creative spark that needs to be renewed.

我们曾严肃讨论了这个问题,包括我们的个人时间、需求、发展与项目的关系,以寻求持续下去的可能性,不过始终没达成持续下去的最终决定,因为我们之间没有一个人有想过或者准备好为了持续项目而创业。虽然我们并不愿意放弃衍生出这个项目的初衷—“拯救地方感”,但持续下去这个项目或许还需要更多火花。

However, we are all very sure that our program has had an impact, and that it will serve as a reminder to us and others about appreciating where we come from, and the importance of a sense place. We hope that someday organizations or institutions will create opportunities to support teams of students or concerned citizens like us to take meaningful actions back home to help nurture an appreciation for local history and foster a sense of place. After all, home is always the best place to “act locally, think globally”; it is the origin of our sense of place.

我们将项目产出作为网络图文都保存了下来,提醒着更多人去正视自己的地方感,感激自己的家乡。我们也希望能有组织机构能支持我们以及做着类似事情的其他队伍,即使是一年一次的短期项目也好,为了家乡的历史和我们的地方感,每一次行动都会有意义深远的影响。毕竟,家乡永远是“全球视野,地方行动”的最佳起点;家乡也是我们地方感的根源。

Today though, if there is any chance to tell others our story, we will take it; any chance we can continue the program, we will take it; any chance we meet others with similar ideas in mind, we will help them! Beyond continuing our program, sharing the message of the importance of creating a sense of place is the ultimate sustainability of the cause for the benefit of many others. Isn’t that exciting?

如今我们也约定,一旦有机会向其他人讲述我们的故事,我们就上;一旦有机会能持续我们的项目,我们就上;一旦有类似打算的人需要打气助力,我们就上!不再局限于仅仅持续我们的项目,因为能力所能及地传达地方感的重要性才是有利于更多人的终极“可持续性”;而我们正处于其中,不亦乐乎?

Yueyang Yu / 于悦洋, 
Beijing / 北京

With editorial support by Marianne Krasny
Ithaca / 伊萨卡

On The Nature of Cities

Marianne Krasny

About the Writer:
Marianne Krasny

Marianne Krasny is professor in the Department of Natural Resources and Director of the Civic Ecology Lab at Cornell University, and leader of EPA’s national environmental education training program (“EECapacity”).

Scentimental Associations with Nature: Odor-Associative Learning and Biophilic Design

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.

When you walk outside after a summer rainstorm, you know it when it hits you: that distinctly earthy, musty, yet crisp scent that flows with optimism and a desire to be in nature as you take a long, deep breath. It is the smell of rain, known as petrichor, and it is released as raindrops hit the ground, spreading odor molecules from the soil into the air.

Olfactory stimuli, with their unique chemical properties and ability to evoke powerful emotional responses, can be implemented in biophilic designs.

Biophilia, humanity’s innate biological connection with nature, is utilized in biophilic design, which incorporates nature into the built environment to improve our health and wellbeing. Specifically, a Non-Visual Connection with Nature (Pattern 2 of the 14 Patterns of Biophilic Design) provides an exciting opportunity for design to further enhance our perception of a space. Biophilic odors, or olfactory sensory stimuli that reflect nature, have physiological effects (e.g., arousal and improved immune function), as well as profound associations with memory and emotion, impacting both the body and mind.

image2
The wet ground releases the earthy odor of petrichor along with geosmin, which is produced by bacteria in the soil. Scents like this can cue quick and powerful memories, emotions, and physiological responses. Image copyright Noirhomme/Flickr.

Odor-associative learning

Olfaction, or the sense of smell, was the first sense to evolve in animal cells and arose as a way to recognize and respond to chemicals in the environment [1]. The human threshold for sensing some odors is impressively low—the earthy scent of geosmin (the compound that assists the release of petrichor) can be detected at concentrations under ten parts per trillion [2]—and the estimated number of odors that humans can detect ranges from a conservative 5,000 [3] to 1 trillion [4]. Odors are processed very quickly by the human body compared to other stimuli; odorous molecules bind to olfactory receptors in the lining of the nose and send signals through the olfactory nerve directly to the limbic system, the network in the brain responsible for emotion and memory [1].

This intimate anatomical connection between stimulus and response makes olfaction a powerful mnemonic trigger, playing an important role in human cognition, behavior, and memory [5]. In odor-associative learning, an olfactory stimulus becomes linked to an emotion, memory, behavior, or physiological response through experience [1]. That is why smelling bacon may make your mouth water or why the scent of charcoal may remind you of a summer camp cookout. A body of research indicates that most responses to odors (Table 1) are due to associative learning and have measurable effects on cognitive performance, stress, and mood.

image3
Table 1. Exposure to natural scents has been observed to have psychophysiological effects. When designing for an olfactory experience, desired responses and odor concentrations should be considered in the context of users, settings, and time of day.

According to a study by Glass et al., odors associated with nature (e.g., summer air) have been shown to evoke positive responses, while those associated with urban environments (e.g., disinfectants) evoked negative responses [6]. For example, the scent of summer air not only improved mood, but also was identified by study participants to be associated with meadows, grass clippings, and tomatoes. Odor preference was also linked with physical response, which was largely due to associative memory. Studies on Shinrin-yoku, or Japanese forest bathing, present evidence of the physiological benefits (e.g., lower cortisol concentrations, pulse rate, blood pressure) of spending time in wooded areas compared to urban areas [7, 8]. Other opportunities exist in the scope of non-plant-based natural scents such as seawater or clay.

image4
Many plants emit odorous essential oils, which can elicit responses when detected: alertness with peppermint (left) and relaxation with lavender (middle). The practice of Shinrin-yoku involves refreshing walks through wooded areas (right), where tree oils called phytoncides can be inhaled and improve immune function [9]. Left image copyright Tonomura/Flickr; middle image copyright Kramer/Flickr; right image copyright Raybourne/Flickr.
Better input, better output

Designing for positive psychophysiological responses to natural scents can improve occupant health, productivity, and performance, translating to economic savings and enhanced well-being. In The Economics of Biophilia, Terrapin Bright Green explains that much of an office’s cost is devoted to salary and benefits, so employee health is a smart investment. The main factors of productivity loss in the workplace (e.g., poor focus, negative mood) may be lessened with proper implementation of olfactory stimuli such as using peppermint to improve focus and performance [10]. Similarly, an improved learning experience in schools may be achieved with odors like rosemary, to enhance alertness and cognitive performance [11, 12]. In high-traffic open settings like offices and schools, generally pleasant odors in low concentrations may be most effective in improving well-being for the most people.

Healthcare facilities such as hospitals or dentist offices can encourage more comfortable experiences by incorporating odors such as lavender to alleviate anxiety, reduce agitation in patients with severe dementia, or lessen the demand for postoperative painkillers [13, 14, 15]. These environments, with a relatively high amount of control over localized air quality, may cater odors to personal preferences or associations, creating a more effective healing space. Faster recovery times mean happier patients and reduced costs.

image5
Different strategies are appropriate for different spaces. An office (left) with an open floor plan may serve its employees and clients best by using odors that have universally or culturally positive associations. Private spaces, such as hospital rooms (right), may have more control over local odor, allowing for personal preferences. Left image copyright Bilyana Dimitrova for COOKFOX Architects; right image courtesy of Bill Browning.

Design strategies

As forms of both Nature in the Space and Natural Analogues, olfactory stimuli may be incorporated into design in several ways to support a biophilic experience:

  1. Odorous building materials such as cedarwood can be used to integrate olfactory stimuli directly into the exposed structure or finishes of the space, contributing to its ambient scent.
  2. Mechanical systems may be programmed to appropriately administer odors via airflow to specific areas at specific times.
  3. Vegetated areas such as herb gardens, window boxes, water features, and plant-lined walkways enhance spaces by designing around the source of the odor and providing access to physical interactions with nature.

Design should consider the use of odor as one of many strategies to be integrated into the ecological, utilitarian, and experiential context of a space. A multi-sensory experience amplifies the benefits of a scent and connects it with other patterns of biophilic design. The olfactory experience may be enhanced by Visual Connection with Nature, which gives context to odor; Thermal & Airflow Variability, which distributes odor throughout space; and Presence of Water and Material Connection with Nature, which each contribute to ambient odor. Olfactory stimuli may also contribute to Non-Rhythmic Sensory Stimuli with stochastic exposure to natural scents and to Mystery, which has conventionally been reserved for the visual experience, by attracting individuals using far-reaching scents. The interplay of multiple senses is essential in designing for people with limited vision or mobility, an idea realized by the Universal Design movement.

image6
The Fragrance Garden of the Brooklyn Botanic Garden creates a multi-sensory experience—designed for the sight-impaired and wheelchair-bound—by providing olfactory, visual, haptic, and auditory stimuli that emanate from plants (e.g., mint and geranium) and the wildlife they attract. Image copyright Daderot/Wikimedia Commons.

“Every touching experience of architecture is multi-sensory; qualities of space, matter and scale are measured equally by the eye, ear, nose, skin, tongue, skeleton, and muscle. Architecture strengthens the existential experience, one’s sense of being in the world.”

— Juhani Pallasmaa

Implementation opportunities

Olfactory stimuli, with their unique chemical properties and ability to evoke powerful emotional responses, provide challenges and thus opportunities during design implementation. Thoughtful design choices can create a supportive user experience by engaging these aspects of human nature:

  1. Subjective associations. Variation exists in responses to odors within and across groups of people. Some scents (e.g., vanilla, decomposition) elicit universal positive or negative responses that may be hardwired into our brains. Others vary across cultures (e.g., wintergreen is associated with candy in the U.S., but with medicine in the U.K.) with different histories, foods, and ecologies [16, 1]. In addition, subjectivity in personal associations of odors with individual life experiences is exceptionally important; an odor may elicit drastically different responses in different people. Scents with unique personal meaning may evoke positive responses or they may be distracting. Designers should take care to be familiar with their clients’ needs in order to make effective use of odor responses.
  2. Establishment and flexibility of associations. Most emotional, behavioral, and mnemonic associations are established when an odor is first encountered, which usually happens early in life [1]. Designing for these associations—often shared among people (e.g., preference for vanilla)—may be more effective than attempting to create new ones, which may turn out to be negative. Designers should also note the opportunity of improving existing associations with odors and, consequently, a space.
  3. Allergies and ability. Sensitivities to odors and allergens, as well as varying abilities to detect scents, are factors that should be considered for proper implementation. Possible strategies include using hypoallergenic scents (i.e., natural essential oils rather than synthetic fragrances), controlled concentrations, or containment to personal spaces. Further research on odor thresholds, conscious odor perception, and ability to focus on multiple odors will create more design opportunities.
  4. Habituation. Over time, the novelty and emotional response to familiar odors diminish (e.g., eventual numbness to the scent of your own cologne), defaulting to general physiological and preference-related responses [1]. Intensity, persistence, and duration of exposure needed for response vary among odors. Strategic design can help prevent a scent from fading into the background by providing access to physical interaction with its source or by releasing a scent stochastically.
image7small
As with any effective biophilic design, olfactory stimuli should reflect local ecology, borrowing from fragrant plants and materials endemic to the area, such as red hyssop (left) from the West, lemonade berry (middle) from southern California, and red cedar (right) from the eastern United States. Left image copyright proteinbiochemist/Flickr; middle image copyright Gaither/Flickr; right image copyright plantsforpermaculture/Flickr.

Looking forward

As a Non-Visual Connection with Nature, the olfactory experience is often overlooked in the built environment, yet it has a profound impact on the perception of our surroundings. With such potent associated memories, emotions, and physical reactions, odors open new doors for biophilic design. While ongoing research will explain the unknowns of perception and the human experience, it will ultimately be up to designers and planners to make use of these insights and create supportive environments that better connect us to nature.

Sam Gochman
New York City

On The Nature of Cities

This essay is posted with permission from Terrapin Bright Green and originally appeared on http://www.terrapinbrightgreen.com/blog/ on May 9, 2016.

*Feature and header image copyright Barklay/Flickr.

References

  1. Herz, R. (2002). Influence of odors on mood and affective cognition. In C. Rouby, B. Schaal, M. Georgescu, & C. Perederco (Eds.), Olfaction, taste, and cognition (160-177). Cambridge University Press.
  2. Jiang, J., He, X., & Cane, D. E. (2007). Biosynthesis of the earthy odorant geosmin by a bifunctional Streptomyces coelicolor enzyme. Nature chemical biology, 3(11), 711-715.
  3. Gerkin, R. C., & Castro, J. B. (2015). The number of olfactory stimuli that humans can discriminate is still unknown. Elife, 4, e08127.
  4. Bushdid, C., Magnasco, M. O., Vosshall, L. B., & Keller, A. (2014). Humans can discriminate more than 1 trillion olfactory stimuli. Science, 343(6177), 1370-1372.
  5. Willander, J., & Larsson, M. (2007). Olfaction and emotion: The case of autobiographical memory. Memory & cognition, 35(7), 1659-1663.
  6. Glass, S. T., Lingg, E., & Heuberger, E. (2014). Do ambient urban odors evoke basic emotions? Applied Olfactory Cognition, 158.
  7. Park, B. J., Tsunetsugu, Y., Kasetani, T., Kagawa, T., & Miyazaki, Y. (2010). The physiological effects of Shinrin-yoku (taking in the forest atmosphere or forest bathing): evidence from field experiments in 24 forests across Japan. Environmental health and preventive medicine, 15(1), 18-26.
  8. Tsunetsugu, Y., Park, B. J., & Miyazaki, Y. (2010). Trends in research related to “Shinrin-yoku”(taking in the forest atmosphere or forest bathing) in Japan. Environmental health and preventive medicine, 15(1), 27-37.
  9. Li, Q., Kobayashi, M., Wakayama, Y., Inagaki, H., Katsumata, M., Hirata, Y., … & Ohira, T. (2009). Effect of phytoncide from trees on human natural killer cell function. International journal of immunopathology and pharmacology, 22(4), 951-959.
  10. Barker, S., Grayhem, P., Koon, J., Perkins, J., Whalen, A., & Raudenbush, B. (2003). Improved performance on clerical tasks associated with administration of peppermint odor. Perceptual and Motor Skills, 97(3), 1007-1010.
  11. Sayorwan, W., Ruangrungsi, N., Piriyapunyporn, T., Hongratanaworakit, T., Kotchabhakdi, N., & Siripornpanich, V. (2013). Effects of inhaled rosemary oil on subjective feelings and activities of the nervous system. Scientia pharmaceutica, 81(2), 531.
  12. Moss, M., & Oliver, L. (2012). Plasma 1, 8-cineole correlates with cognitive performance following exposure to rosemary essential oil aroma. Therapeutic advances in psychopharmacology, 2(3), 103-113.
  13. Lehrner, J., Marwinski, G., Lehr, S., Johren, P., & Deecke, L. (2005). Ambient odors of orange and lavender reduce anxiety and improve mood in a dental office. Physiology & Behavior, 86(1), 92-95.
  14. Perry, N., & Perry, E. (2006). Aromatherapy in the management of psychiatric disorders. CNS drugs, 20(4), 257-280.
  15. Kim, J. T., Ren, C. J., Fielding, G. A., Pitti, A., Kasumi, T., Wajda, M., … & Bekker, A. (2007). Treatment with lavender aromatherapy in the post-anesthesia care unit reduces opioid requirements of morbidly obese patients undergoing laparoscopic adjustable gastric banding. Obesity surgery, 17(7), 920-925.
  16. Candau, J. (2004). The olfactory experience: constants and cultural variables. Water Science & Technology, 49(9), 11-17.

Table 1 References

Sakamoto, R., Minoura, K., Usui, A., Ishizuka, Y., & Kanba, S. (2005). Effectiveness of aroma on work efficiency: lavender aroma during recesses prevents deterioration of work performance. Chemical senses, 30(8), 683-691.

Diego, M. A., Jones, N. A., Field, T., Hernandez-Reif, M., Schanberg, S., Kuhn, C., … & Galamaga, R. (1998). Aromatherapy positively affects mood, EEG patterns of alertness and math computations. International Journal of Neuroscience, 96(3-4), 217-224.

Toda, M., & Morimoto, K. (2008). Effect of lavender aroma on salivary endocrinological stress markers. Archives of oral biology, 53(10), 964-968.

Warm, J. S., Dember, W. N., & Parasuraman, R. (1991). Effects of olfactory stimulation on performance and stress. J. Soc. Cosmet. Chem, 42, 199-210.

Moss, M., Hewitt, S., Moss, L., & Wesnes, K. (2008). Modulation of cognitive performance and mood by aromas of peppermint and ylang-ylang.International Journal of Neuroscience, 118(1), 59-77.

Toda, M., & Morimoto, K. (2011). Evaluation of effects of lavender and peppermint aromatherapy using sensitive salivary endocrinological stress markers. Stress and Health, 27(5), 430-435.

Moss, M., Cook, J., Wesnes, K., & Duckett, P. (2003). Aromas of rosemary and lavender essential oils differentially affect cognition and mood in healthy adults. International Journal of Neuroscience, 113(1), 15-38.

Akpinar, B. (2005). The effects of olfactory stimuli on scholastic performance. The Irish Journal of Education/Iris Eireannach an Oideachais, 86-90.

Matsumoto, T., Asakura, H., & Hayashi, T. (2014). Effects of olfactory stimulation from the fragrance of the Japanese citrus fruit yuzu (Citrus junos Sieb. ex Tanaka) on mood states and salivary chromogranin A as an endocrinologic stress marker. The Journal of Alternative and Complementary Medicine, 20(6), 500-506.

Goes, T. C., Antunes, F. D., Alves, P. B., & Teixeira-Silva, F. (2012). Effect of sweet orange aroma on experimental anxiety in humans. The Journal of Alternative and Complementary Medicine, 18(8), 798-804.

Warrenburg, S. (2005). Effects of fragrance on emotions: moods and physiology. Chemical Senses, 30(suppl 1), i248-i249.

Chen, C. J., Kumar, K. J., Chen, Y. T., Tsao, N. W., Chien, S. C., Chang, S. T., … & Wang, S. Y. (2015). Effect of Hinoki and Meniki Essential Oils on Human Autonomic Nervous System Activity and Mood States. Natural product communications, 10(7), 1305-1308.

Ikei, H., Song, C., & Miyazaki, Y. (2015). Physiological effect of olfactory stimulation by Hinoki cypress (Chamaecyparis obtusa) leaf oil. Journal of physiological anthropology, 34(1), 1.

School Partnerships are Key to Vibrant and Sustainable Cities

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.

Urban schools—any public, private, or charter schools delivering formal primary or secondary education—are key institutions in the shaping of vibrant and sustainable cities. Imagining such cities depends on the assumptions and ideologies of those involved in the transformation of urban sites, and moving beyond perceiving urban schools as problematic institutions (Pink and Noblit, 2007).

Urban schools can use local environments to serve as stimulus, context, and content for teaching and learning about sustainability.
Globally, a steady process of urbanization results from migration from rural and conflict areas. This trend points to the urgent need to develop programs—including environmental education—that target schools as pivotal in serving diverse, translocated, and often marginalized students. Such urban environmental education can also empower those who live in challenging circumstances to work together to improve social-ecological well-being, and foster “citizens that are informed and motivated to live more sustainably, be responsible stewards of the environment, and help ensure future generations’ quality of life” (Alberta Council for Environmental Education, 2015).

To see more chapters from the book, click here.
A variety of programs that encourage student engagement in environmental initiatives have supported schools worldwide. Two foremost international initiatives are the Eco-Schools Program established in Europe in 1992, and the Green Schools Alliance introduced in the U.S. in 2007. They provide environmental education programs, environmental management systems for school facilities and grounds, and award schemes that promote and acknowledge actions for the environment and transitioning towards sustainability. Further, United Nations Agenda 21 acknowledges local jurisdictions as being best positioned to tailor programs to the individual needs of schools and communities.

In this chapter we build on the definition of urban environmental education as “any environmental education that occurs in cities” (Russ and Krasny, 2015, p. 12) by acknowledging the importance of overarching curricular goals set by formal educational institutions. The following sections present “socioecological refrains” adapted from Knowlton Cockett (2013), which incorporate stewardship, pedagogy, interrelationships, and heritage, and highlight the role schools can play in shaping sustainable cities through urban environmental education. These refrains promote a connectedness to place through: (1) the use of the local environment to stimulate learning, (2) the development of curricula and pedagogies that embrace the development of sustainable cities, and (3) the establishment of links with the community to foster relationships, stewardship, and resiliency. Case studies from Canada, Australia, China, and Spain illustrate these refrains, as well as show how schools are engaged more broadly in Green School initiatives.

Local environments as stimulus, context, and content

Creating learning environments where students can develop as citizens with pronounced understandings of sustainability is a major educational challenge. While much emphasis has been placed on incorporating sustainability into formal schooling, recent scholarship shows that significant sustainability learning can happen beyond the four corners of the classroom (Knowlton Cockett, 2013; Russ and Krasny, 2015; Tidball and Krasny, 2010). Urban contexts that can be used to deliver urban environmental education typically include nature centers, parks, community gardens, resource recovery centers, and landfills. Extending to other vital urban settings such as hospitals, jails, shelters, government housing, immigrant organizations, businesses, and women’s and seniors’ centers provides meaningful opportunities for schools to form partnerships aimed at integrated urban sustainability education. Such partnerships can stimulate learners in schools to understand environmental, political, social, cultural, and economic dynamics of systems.

Through such partnerships, urban environmental education presents concrete social-ecological issues that develop student problem-solving skills, and recognizes urban communities as powerful landscapes to guide learners’ understandings, confidence, and competence in relation to sustainability. In our case studies, we present examples of students working with park managers, landscape architects, and naturalists to understand the management of invasive species to support native biodiversity. Other examples involve partnering with scientific organizations in a constructed wetland on a former coal mine site, and studying water issues in municipal river systems. We also present a case in which a network of schools works with city administrators and universities to develop food systems and seed banks, and to expand agroecology into urban settings. In each case, urban students are working within their local social-ecological contexts.

Curriculum and pedagogy oriented towards sustainable cities

The presence of sustainability and environmental education in the curriculum varies dramatically around the world: in some countries, sustainability or environment is a stand-alone curriculum; in other countries, it features as a cross-curricular interdisciplinary area; in yet other countries, there is a notable silence in relation to sustainability (Dyment, Hill and Emery, 2014). Irrespective of curricular mandates, teachers can identify urban environments as sites for learning involving hands-on or embodied interactions within a particular place. These experiences are often framed by inquiry-based learning that positions students as investigators, designers, scientists, and gardeners (Stine, 1997).

School curricula and teacher pedagogies both limit and enable what is possible through urban environmental education.

Teacher understanding of pedagogies that support learning outside the classroom is a vital factor in enabling children to use urban spaces to learn about sustainability (Skamp, 2007). Teaching in urban landscapes requires new and different pedagogies involving letting go of some control and structure afforded by inside spaces, and allowing for risk-taking with students. Luckily, potential Green School activities abound. Students might utilize mathematical concepts such as perimeter or area to determine the capacity of a rooftop to harvest water into tanks. Outdoor sites such as community gardens may provide inspiration for personal writing, artwork, or science activities. In these contexts student learning is focused towards specific features of the urban environment and may be guided by the curriculum or the teacher, or emerge organically from the place itself.

Establishing community links to foster relationships and stewardship

School Agenda 21 and Green Schools programs seek to promote socially and environmentally sustainable schools and municipalities by helping urban schools collaborate with their communities. Despite these mainstreaming efforts, some urban schools experience challenges emerging from the collaboration (Sandäs, 2014). School Community Collaboration for Sustainable Development, a European Union-funded, multilateral network supported by the Environment and School Initiatives network, conducted an international, comparative, cross-case study (Espinet, 2014) to investigate challenges that schools face, such as funding, effective networking, cultural background, and political orientation.

To promote sustainability, schools can adopt unconventional approaches to teaching and learning that invite community actors to cross boundaries and establish vital relationships with other actors and with their place (Wals, van der Hoeven and Blanken, 2009). For example, in our case studies from China and Canada, students are communicating their learning back to the public via websites and interpretive signage. In our case studies from Australia and Spain, several nearby schools developed networks to obtain shared funding, or to have older students mentor younger students, in each case working with community partners toward a common goal.

Four case studies

 Natureground and Whispering Signs in Calgary, Alberta, Canada

The Centennial Natureground, situated on the grounds of an urban Kindergarten to Grade 6 school in Calgary, Canada, is a publicly accessible, reclaimed, and reconstructed sustainable mini-ecosystem, featuring native plants. The plants have been rescued and transplanted from natural areas undergoing urban development, and directly sowed from native seeds or planted as seedlings for the purposes of holistic education and enjoyment. The area, established by students and volunteers in 2004, is maintained through local stewardship—by classroom students during the academic year and community members during the summer. These stewards keep invasive species at bay, thus fostering urban biodiversity and supporting pollinators such as bees, birds, and bats. Classes regularly visit the area, for curriculum-related ecological studies and as a space to read, journal, and sketch. The Natureground also features biofiltration basins, swales, and culverts to capture rainwater and snowmelt, thus reducing and filtering stormwater runoff that would otherwise carry pollutants from paved roads straight into open waterways. 

Chapter 2 fig 1
Figure 1. Jackrabbits through the seasons in Calgary, Canada. Image: Polly L. Knowlton Cockett.

Whispering Signs is a curriculum-connected project consisting of a site-specific set of interpretive signs within the Natureground and an adjacent fragment of native shortgrass prairie. Students, teachers, parents, and community members worked together over several years to produce the original art, poetry, and text for 34 beautiful and provocative signs for school-based and public education. For example, an alphabet sign shows a common white-tailed jackrabbit changing its coat over the seasons, during a variety of weather conditions, and under different heights of the sun over the course of a year—all concepts within the school curriculum (Figure 1). Latitude, longitude, and elevation are indicated on each sign, and give rise to spatial geography lessons and orienteering activities. These signs stem from a place-based literacy project conducted in the area, where students researched, represented, and communicated information about plants, animals, and physical features of the landscape. Throughout these and other Green School projects, participants developed meaningful interrelationships, and became increasingly connected to place.

Constructed wetlands and frogs in Australia’s Latrobe Valley

An unusual urban environmental initiative is found in a surprising place in Australia—the heart of the Latrobe Valley in Gippsland, Victoria. This region supplies electricity through brown coal-fired power generation. Socially and economically disadvantaged, this area has huge open cut brown coal mines, massive power lines, transformer stations, and puffing chimneys of large and small power stations. The Valley has poor air quality and high pollution levels.

However, a local primary school began using the Morwell River Wetlands as a site for teaching and learning about the complex social, cultural, economic, and environmental aspects of this contested area (Somerville and Green, 2012). The wetlands have been constructed in the river overflow site that was relocated to make way for the coal mine, and encompass pools, banks, islands, and many creatures and plants, including frogs, trees, shrubs, and grasses.

When schools establish rich and sustaining partnerships with local communities, opportunities for urban environmental education are significantly enhanced.
The primary school has been involved in the wetland since it was constructed and students have monitored the plants and animals that have found “home” there. Shortly after the wetlands were created, three local schools applied for a science grant and received $20,000 to set up a wetland study and develop a curriculum model. The schools worked with the Amphibian Research Centre to develop the Frog Census program based on the belief that frogs are the gateway to understanding the wetlands.

The wetlands are visited regularly by all school grades, and curriculum links are made across subject areas. Younger students study life cycles of frogs, and raise tadpoles in a mini-wetland constructed on their school ground. Middle year students monitor the wetlands and older students measure water quality and identify micro- and macro-organisms. From an eyesore to a healthy ecosystem, these constructed wetlands have become enriched with educational opportunities for students.

 “Water-loving” studies on the Long River in Beijing, China

 The high school affiliated with the Beijing Institute of Technology is located on the southern bank of the Long River, which is an indispensable part of the Beijing city water system. Influenced by the Green School movement, which has been supported by the national government in China since 1996, the school has been promoting a series of local environmental education activities since 2001 (Liu and Huang, 2013). For example, in the context of general water inquiries, teachers have established “water-loving” student groups. These grade-level groups carry out many projects, such as investigating water usage in their school and households, as well as researching the watersheds surrounding their campus.

Under teachers’ guidance, members of “water-loving” groups study water issues relevant to the school and the Long River system. After preliminary investigations and analyses, students undertake Long River water surveys and launch environmental fieldwork integrating aspects of geography, biology, chemistry, and physics. As young scientists (Figure 2), the students design their research, divide their work reasonably, and rethink obstacles they encounter, while constantly discussing and revising plans with others. Teachers and students also use information technology to record and share students’ research processes and results, and use data they collect as resources in information technology courses. Then they create “water-loving” actions on a website, such as conservation measures and water quality monitoring, which provides a convenient way to locate and express their research process and results. Thus, this project-based learning provides rich information technology curriculum resources, and offers a medium of communication about project results and actions. These two stages of “Integrated Curriculum of Practical Activity” complement and promote each other.

Chapter 2 fig 2
Figure 2. Investigating the Long River in Beijing, China. Photo: Guochun Zhang.

Through these activities on the Long River, the “water-loving” theme is effectively spread and sets up a series of “water-loving” actions. The activities also have been playing an important role in motivating students to explore their academic and sustainability-related interests and laying a foundation for future inquiries. In addition, teachers update their own pedagogical understandings, thus enhancing the capacity for adapting and implementing curriculum reform.

School agroecology and community collaboration, Sant Cugat del Vallès, Catalonia, Spain

The Science Education Department at the Autonomous University of Barcelona and the Municipal Environment Department of Sant Cugat del Vallès in Catalonia, Spain collaborated for seven years to enhance the School Agenda 21 program in the city. Established in 2001, the program involved urban schools in the city’s effort to promote sustainable development, and established links between schools and the community for the development of a new field of study called School Agroecology (Llerena, 2015). The program built an urban school network involving all public urban schools from pre-K to secondary level, university researchers, local administrators, and environmental educators with the aim to empower students, teachers, and the community to develop agroecological food production and food consumption (Espinet and Llerena, 2014).

One of the collective projects was to transform school and community food gardens as places to grow endangered native plants (Figure 3). After consultation with a regional seed bank, each school chose a specific native plant to grow; students then harvested and preserved seeds, and shared seeds among different school and community actors to be grown in their own food gardens. Through a service-learning approach, secondary students visited primary students to teach seed preservation. Seed exchanges became an event where donor schools provided not only a sample of seeds, but also storytelling, drama, or visualizations about growing practices. Once schools started having seeds from several plants, they built seed banks inside their schools. In so doing, urban public schools, with the help of the community, became authentic urban agents of native plant preservation. One result of this urban environmental education project has been the creation of a new professional niche: the agro-environmental educator responsible for promoting and maintaining urban environmental education activities focused on the food system at the interface between the school and the city. 

Chapter 2 fig 3
Figure 3. Nurturing native plants in Sant Cugat del Vallès, Catalonia, Spain. Photo: Mariona Espinet and Lidia Bassons.

Conclusion 

As demonstrated by our urban case studies, ongoing Green School actions—whether learning about lifecycles, monitoring water quality, or seed harvesting—guide students understanding their environment. Within the complex networks of urban settings, students also become directly engaged in urgent and interrelated global movements, for example pertaining to food security, as well as global initiatives, such as Local Action for Biodiversity or BiodiverCities. Thus, socioecological refrains, involving place-based, curriculum-connected, community-engaged, collaborative practices, serve as effective frameworks for urban primary and secondary schools to provide students with rich, meaningful experiential learning opportunities fostering systems-thinking, stewardship, and sustainability.

Polly Knowlton Cockett, Calgary
Janet Dyment, Hobart
Mariona Espinet, Barcelona
Yu Huang, Beijing

* * * * *

This essay will appear as a chapter in Urban Environmental Education Review, edited by Alex Russ and Marianne Krasny, to be published by Cornell University Press in 2017. To see more pre-release chapters from the book, click here.

This essay also appears at the North American Association of Environmental Educators site.

References

Alberta Council for Environmental Education. (2015). Mission and vision. Canmore, Canada: ACEE.

Dyment, J.E., Hill, A., and Emery, S. (2014). Sustainability as a cross-curricular priority in the Australian curriculum: A Tasmanian investigation. Environmental Education Research, 21(8) 1105-1126.

Espinet, M., and Llerena, G. (2014). School agroecology as a motor for community and land transformation: A case study on the collaboration among community actors to promote education for sustainability networks. In Constantinou, C.P., Papadouris, N., and Hadjigeorgiou, A. (Eds.). Proceedings of the ESERA 2013 Conference: Science Education Research For Evidence-based Teaching and Coherence in Learning (p. 244-50). Nicosia, Cyprus: ESERA.

Espinet, M. (Ed.). (2014). CoDeS selected cases of school community collaboration for sustainable development. Vienna, Austria: Austrian Federal Ministry of Education and Women’s Affairs.

Knowlton Cockett, P. (2013). In situ conversation: Understanding sense of place through socioecological cartographies. Doctoral dissertation, University of Calgary, Canada.

Liu, J. and Huang, Y. (2013). Practices and inspirations on a school-based curriculum for ESD. Research on Curriculum, Textbook and Teaching Method, 33(3), 98-102. (In Chinese.)

Llerena, G. (2015). Agroecologia escolar. Doctoral dissertation, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Bellaterra, Spain.

Pink, W.T. and Noblit, G.W. (Eds.). (2007). International handbook of urban education. Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Springer.

Russ, A. and Krasny, M. (2015). Urban environmental education trends. In Russ, A. (Ed.). Urban environmental education (pp. 12-25). Ithaca, New York and Washington, DC: Cornell University Civic Ecology Lab, NAAEE and EECapacity.

Sandäs, A. (2014). Travelling through the landscape of school-community collaboration for sustainable development. In Affolter, C. and Reti, M. (Eds.). Travelling guide for school community collaboration for sustainable development. ENSI i.n.p.a:. CoDeS Network.

Skamp, K. (2007). Understanding teachers’ “levels of use” of learnscapes. Environmental Education Research, 15(1), 93-110.

Somerville, M., and Green, M. (2012). Place and sustainability literacy in schools and teacher education. Paper presented at Australian Association for Research in Education, Sydney, Australia.

Stine, S. (1997). Landscapes for learning: Creating outdoor environments for children and youth. Toronto: John Wiley & Sons.

Tidball, K.G. and Krasny, M.E. (2010). Urban environmental education from a social-ecological perspective: conceptual framework for civic ecology education. Cities and the Environment, 3(1): article 11.

Wals, A., van der Hoeven, N., and Blanken, H. (2009). The acoustics of social learning: Designing learning processes that contribute to a more sustainable world. Utrecht, The Netherlands: Wageningen Academic Publishers.

Janet Dyment

About the Writer:
Janet Dyment

Dr. Janet Dyment is a Senior Lecturer in the Faculty of Education at the University of Tasmania. She is also a trained mathematics, environmental science, and outdoor education high school teacher.

Mariona Espinet

About the Writer:
Mariona Espinet

Mariona Espinet is a Professor in the Departament de Didàctica de la Matemàtica i de les Ciències Experimentals at Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, in Catalonia, Spain.

Yu Huang

About the Writer:
Yu Huang

Yu Huang is an Associate Professor of Environmental Education, at the Institute of Comparative and International Education, Beijing Normal University, China.

Searching for Sustainable Lawns in Sweden

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.
Swedish lawns inspired by Swedish nature. The goal is to create biodiverse, aesthetically pleasant, and economically effective urban plant communities based on the Swedish flora. Such biodiverse lawns can return wild nature to the urban neighborhoods.
The manual Lawn Alternatives in Sweden. From Theory to Practice shared the results of the transdisciplinary project “Lawn as ecological and cultural phenomenon: Searching for sustainable lawns in Sweden” (2013-2016, funded by FORMAS) and suggested practical implementation—guidelines for possible alternatives to existing contemporary lawns in Sweden. This essay excerpts some of the ideas in the manual.

Why should we care what is underfoot?

Most people associate lawns with everyday urban life. A green carpet is considered a compulsory element of all green areas. Lawns look very similar and can be found in all climatic zones. We think we know all about lawns, but in reality, studies on this subject are sporadic. The majority of the world’s literature mostly concerns creating a perfect lawn. However, there is a growing interest in lawn as a global urban ecology phenomenon.

The first surprise while writing our manual was the lack of a decent definition of lawn. We need to fill this gap and define what is a lawn. We strongly emphasized its man-made nature, the dominance of certain selected grasses, the importance of management regimes and its role in fulfilling different human functions.

The LAWN project

Our manual can be seen as a classical example of applying results of a scientific project into landscape architecture practice. The LAWN project ran for several years and used a whole range of quantitative and qualitative methods. We used a transdisciplinary and a multiscale approach: from the large scale (estimating the total coverage of lawn as a land use type) through the medium neighbourhood level (providing typology, coverage of lawns, their functions, values and use in parks or backyards) to the fine level of the lawn itself, with emphasis on biotope characteristics such as biodiversity and carbon sequestration. We aimed to represent the geographical varieties in our case studies,  researching lawns in Uppsala (upland of Sweden), Göteborg (west part), Malmö (south part), People’s Home (Folkhem), and Million Programme typologies due to their domination in Swedish settlements. These housing types reflect a particularly Swedish style of development after the Second World War, allowing for the creation of the Swedish societal model emphasizing equality and public access.

Within each city, two types of lawns were identified for study: conventional lawns, and meadow-like lawns in multi-family residential housing areas (Figure 1). Golf courses were also included because of their very intensive use of resources. In the era of unification of urban environments, we definitely need to look at aspects of biodiversity (species diversity and composition of higher vascular plants, bees, butterflies and earthworms) and estimate environmental impacts of differently managed lawns. The interdisciplinary character of the project allowed us to model carbon sequestration and the balance between sequestration and emission of greenhouse gases (GHG). The energy use and emissions of GHG were assessed in a lifecycle perspective.

The results of our projects show that lawns have really conquered Sweden in the last 50 years and cover an area as big as Lake Mälaren (the third-largest freshwater lake in Sweden), or 0.6-0.9 percent of the whole country. The good news is that lawns have a positive carbon sequestration effect. However, this is “balanced” by the intensive management (mowing, irrigation and fertilisation—mostly in golf courses), which requires fossil fuel energy and labour costs and causes greenhouse gas emissions. Mowing is the main contributor to greenhouse gas emissions from most lawns.

Figure 1. One of the case study areas of the LAWN project. Augustenborg, Malmö. Photo: M. Ignatieva

Knowing results which were received in the USA, UK, and New Zealand on the biodiversity of lawns, we were not really surprised by receiving the confirmation that conventional lawns have lower biodiversity compared to meadow like lawns.

Our social results also clearly indicate a common fact: lawns are particularly valued by urban dwellers as important places for different activities. People cannot imagine life without lawns (Figure 2).

However, people expressed concern about too many grassy areas, which are unused and look monotonous (Figure 3). People associate the modern way of life with a variety of outdoor spaces, which could provide them benefits for recreation and health. In many cases the residents and managers were quite receptive to suggested images of alternative lawns.

Figure 2. Activity on the lawn in the park in Uppsala on sunny April day. Photo: M. Ignatieva
Figure 3. Monotonous lawn in one of the neighbourhoods of Malmö. Photo: M. Ignatieva

Results of the LAWN project provided a very good understanding of the situation with lawns in Sweden, and outlined possible pathways towards alternative solutions and their realization in real life.

Figure 4. The Virgin is sitting on the bench covered by a flowery rich piece of meadow. Painting by Jan Provoost. The Virgin and Child in a Landscape. Early 16th century. National Gallery, London. Photo: M. Ignatieva

Two important sources for alternative solutions to conventional lawns were our studies related to the historical roots of lawns in Sweden and the etymological exploration of the Swedish word gräsmatta (lawn in Swedish), and related terms. Swedish lawns generally followed the European pathway of development, very similar to other countries—from small pieces of flowery rich meadows of medieval castles and monastic gardens, to grass parterres in formal Baroque gardens, to the extended grassy areas in English-type parks, to public gardens, and finally to modern urban landscapes (Figure 4). However, Sweden, due to it specific and long agricultural history of creating and using grasslands for stock grazing, has very good “prerequisites” for accepting lawns and turning this unique garden feature into a compulsory, prefabricated element of all urban green areas as a “Swedish model”. The Swedish emphasis on developing a democratic and equal society even resulted in creating a special word for lawn in the middle of the 19th century—gräsmatta.

Analysis of Swedish municipal documents resulted in identifying different types of lawns and grass-dominated areas in Swedish cities, for example, conventional lawns, parade (ornamental) lawns and meadow-like lawns (high grass and meadows). Such critical analysis helped us to understand the current trends in management and maintenance of lawns in Sweden and choose potential case studies for alternative solutions.

Conventional lawns received special attention. This type of lawn is the most common in Sweden and withstands different recreational activities. Swedish managers even asked us for special research, which could help them in their everyday practice of handling environmental (shadow or draught) and recreational pressure in damaged grassed areas.

Figure 5. Conventional lawn in Götenborg. Photo: M. Ignatieva

We conclude that today the conventional lawn practice is quite dominant, but that there is growing awareness among managers of the importance of introducing a more environmentally friendly maintenance regime and the necessity of reducing the costs of lawn maintenance. There are a small percentage of so called “high-grass lawns” or “meadow-like lawns”. Such areas are located mostly on the outskirts of neighbourhoods or public parks.

Even though the main aim of this manual is to provide a guide for creating lawn alternatives, we would like to emphasize that it is not possible, nor is it necessary to completely replace conventional lawns. By suggesting alternatives to conventional lawns, we aim to increase awareness regarding the planning and design of green spaces, and to introduce a new paradigm for creating diverse and sustainable urban environments.

Lawn alternative case studies

Figure 6. Naturalistic herbaceous planting in London’s Queen Elizabeth Olympic Park. September 2017. Photo: M. Ignatieva

There are a number of lawn alternatives based on existing case studies from Europe, North America, and Sweden to be considered. English examples included creation of annual pictorial meadows (a mixture of native and exotic plants), native meadows (a perennial mix) and English naturalistic herbaceous plantings. The most famous examples of English alternative plantings can be found in London’s Queen Elizabeth Olympic Park (Figure 6).

There is also the most recent alternative lawn approach in the UK—grass-free lawns, based on perennial, low growing herbaceous plants. The most recent approach developed in Germany—“Go spontaneous”—aims at increasing urban biodiversity and design with existing natural ruderal plant communities.

The Swedish-inspired approach

The Swedish approach for alternative lawns is based on respecting the country’s rich garden and horticultural history. There is the unique Swedish company Pratensis, exclusively producing Swedish wildflower seeds, and for ten years developing experimental meadow sites. Veg Tech—another leading company in Scandinavia—specialises in growing native plants including prefabricated meadow mats.

Our vision for lawn alternatives for Sweden is inspired by Swedish nature. Our goal is to create biodiverse, aesthetically pleasant, and economically effective urban plant communities based on the Swedish flora. Such biodiverse lawns can return wild nature to the urban neighbourhoods. We recommended several types of lawn alternatives:

  • Grass-free/tapestry lawns created by sowing or pre-growing plug planting
  • Perennial meadows (created by sowing)
  • Prefabricated (ready) meadow mats

Our recommendations were based on the case studies from the Pratensis AB and our experimental plantings at SLU Ultuna Campus established in 2014-2017.

The most important conditions for establishing alternative lawns are sun-exposed sites with poor soils that drain well. Less fertile soils benefit most meadow wildflower species. Our practice clearly demonstrated that the most effective way of turning conventional lawn into meadow-like vegetation is the removal of existing turf and addition of new soil. Even this method requires a high initial financial input, but it guarantees the successful establishment of a meadow-like lawn. We provided detailed tips on sowing and planting practices. Special attention was given to maintenance tips such as mowing. For example, meadow-like lawns need mowing only once a year and tapestry lawns up to two-three times per year.

At Knowledge Park in Ultuna Campus (SLU, Uppsala) we established four types of lawn. A detailed list of plants (and planting plan), flowering calendar (what to expect from May to September), and information on establishing experience and the maintenance plan are available in the manual. Our alternative planting won the UK Green Flag Award of 2017.

Our Swedish tapestry/grass-free lawn was inspired by the European late medieval paintings and interpretation of informal ‘flowery mead’ or meadows of paradise, planted with a great variety of aromatic herbs and flowers. Our “wish list” is to enrich biodiversity and be in harmony with nature. This lawn consists of 30 herbaceous plants native to Sweden, which provide the effect of a low-growing flowering carpet that can be used for recreation and which will be cut only 2-3 times during the summer season (Figures 7 and 8).

Figure 7. Tapestry lawn in Ultuna Campus in June 2017 (one year after planting). Photo: M. Ignatieva
Figure 8. Tapestry lawn in Ultuna Campus in August 2017. Photo: M. Ignatieva

Our meadow-mat with picnic bench was made from prefabricated meadow-mat provided by Veg Tech, consisting of 16 native low-growing perennials and grasses. The popularity of such ready meadow-mats is increasing in Europe. The beauty of such mats is their durability and capacity to survive in quite harsh environments. That is why such mats can be seen today along the highways and roads.

Figure 9. Meadow-mat in Ultuna Campus. Photo: M. Ignatieva

Taking into consideration the fact that visual simulation is one of the most effective tools for municipalities and the public to accept alternative thinking, we suggest redesigning some existing neighbourhoods in Gothenburg and Malmö through establishing different types of alternative lawns even in small public courtyards. A thorough inventory and site analyses were important prerequisites of proposed design solutions. Nice pictures before and after were an effective “trick” showing how we can turn a sterile monotonous green surface into a colourful and joyful natural landscape.

This book addressed the existing situation in Sweden (absolute dominance of short cut conventional lawns) and identified a new trend of moving away from the dense grass-dominated turf model towards more naturally looking grasslands where grasses and different herbaceous plants coexist and provide a whole range of ecosystem services.

The Lawn Alternatives in Sweden manual has an extended reference list and numerous original photos providing a visual tour on how to establish alternative lawns in Sweden.

Maria Ignatieva
Perth

On The Nature of Cities

This Manual is written by Maria Ignatieva with contributions from the LAWN project team: Thomas Kätterer, Marcus Hedblom, Jörgen Wissman, Karin Ahrné, Tuula Eriksson, Fredrik Eriksson, Pernilla Tidåker, Jan Bengtsson, Per Berg, Tom Eriksson and Håkan Marstorp and help from the stakeholders: Inge and Mat Runeson (Pratensis AB), Lina Pettersson (Veg Tech) and Maria Strandberg (STERF). Design proposals were developed by the SLU Master’s students: Sara Andersson and Ulrika Bergbrant and John Lööf Green.

Secular, Sacred, and Domestic—Living with Street Trees in Bangalore

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.
The lives of street trees are emblematic of the multiple entanglements that characterise the nature-society dialectic animating the ever expanding urban in the global south—entanglements that knit together the past and present, the secular and sacred, and the global and local.
In rapidly growing Indian cities, change seems like the only constant. Heritage buildings are torn down, roads widened, lakes and wetlands drained, and parks erased to make way for urban growth. Nature is often the first casualty in a constant drive towards development. Yet the street tree stubbornly survives across Indian cities—beleaguered by gasoline fumes, besieged by construction, but still tenaciously gripping the sidewalk. These trees play an important role in the daily lives of Indian cities, a role that is often hidden from our awareness. They are fiercely valued and protected by urban residents, either because of their sacrality, or due to secular civic protests, or even their daily domestic value to street vendors and families alike. Yet the dystopic nature of urban growth poses a constant challenge to their presence. Where do street trees thrive, and where do they fail? In this photo-essay of Bangalore—India’s “High-Tech City” with an ecological history of human settlement that is at least 1200 years old —we examine the hidden lives of street trees.

Bangalore’s ecological history of growth can be roughly divided into three broad periods: pre-colonial (pre-1799), colonial (1799-1945), and post-colonial (after 1945). This historical signature determined the pattern of urban growth, and is still visible in the structure and species selection of trees in the 21st century city. The former British Cantonment was designed with trees forming an integral part of the colonial landscape. Large trees—Albizia saman (rain tree), Delonix regia (Gulmohar), Peltophorum pterocarpum (copper pod)—were brought in by British and German-trained horticulturalists from areas as far flung as Brazil, Madagascar, and South-east Asia.

These trees were prized according to a secular colonial aesthetic that favoured the ornamental over the fruiting, and the exotic over the native. Trees were thickly planted along streets, and in wooded campuses, but otherwise kept under strict control. Areas of the footpath were demarcated for plantation, an even spacing was maintained between trees, and the flowering colours of trees were selected in a careful mix, so that every part of the colonial city was bound to have some flowers in season at all times of the year. This colonial signature can be seen even today in the gentrified neighbourhoods near the heart of the Cantonment—in roads adjacent to Mahatma Gandhi Road, Bangalore’s premium commercial and shopping area—with wide footpaths, cordoned off from traffic.

These trees, largely exotic imports, are planted in an orderly, disciplined manner, and the trees stick to their allotted spaces, seeming to display a finely honed sense of decorum. These trees serve an important civic need. Despite the constant churn of old heritage buildings being torn down to make way for tall multi-story offices, these trees are much prized by residents and office goers, giving the colonial neighbourhood its integral character of a “Garden City”, as it is often termed.

At Mayo Hall (a heritage colonial building housing the City Civil Court), an irregular, sprawling Ficus elastica is contained within a cemented square, a bench placed neatly parallel to the square, and its hanging roots well-trimmed so as not to interfere with the asphalt. Photo: Suri Venkatachalam
Trees planted at pre-determined spacing, and neatly confined to defined areas on a street near Mahatma Gandhi road in the Bangalore Cantonment. Photo: Suri Venkatachalam

Yet adjacent to this ornamental aesthetic, a very different pre-colonial aesthetic emerges—that of the sacred. The Maha Muniswara temple, on the same road as the well contained street trees in Photo 2, is built around a sprawling Ficus. Unfettered, the tree controls the urban landscape, not the other way round. Despite its location in an area surrounded by trees, owing their existence to a colonial landscape ethic, the sacred tree, and its associated temple intrude on the road, asserting their right by pre-existence to appropriate urban space, and reclaim the city for their own.

The Maha Muniswara temple, built around a Ficus tree. Photo: Suri Venkatachalam
The Maha Muniswara temple from above—surrounded by Ficus trees—the temple pagoda appears to be floating in a green sky. Photo: Suri Venkatachalam

In contrast to the central parts of the city Cantonment—areas of south Bangalore between the neighbourhoods of Basavanagudi and Jayanagar—display a different street tree aesthetic. These areas constitute a well-planned mix of commercial and residential neighbourhoods, distinguished from each other by the size of the roads. Designed by colonial architects, these urban plans did not just “accommodate” street trees—trees and parks were central to the design and layout of these spaces, giving them their quintessential character. For decades in this highly urban area, it was not buildings but street trees that dominated the skyline, dwarfing the shops and bungalows that lined the streets. Even now, traces of such a past can be seen on several streets.

Sprawling rain trees dwarf the skyline in a Basavanagudi shopping area. Photo: Suri Venkatachalam
Street trees still dominate the aerial view in many parts of southern Bangalore – although the buildings are now beginning to compete for height. Photo: Suri Venkatachalam

In other streets, single floor buildings have given way to multi-floor shops with homes above—yet the trees grow taller still.

Less gentrified than the Cantonment, these parts of the city are also commercial spaces bustling with activity, but of a different nature. For centuries, Bangalore has been known as a city of coconuts. Coconut trees can still be seen across the city, and are needed for everyday cooking. Tender coconut water is sold across Bangalore in the hot season, believed to be good for cooling the body and preventing heat strokes in the soaring summer sun. These fruits spoil when left out in the sun for too long. Coconut vendors nearly always seek out a convenient street tree to shade their produce. So do vegetable and fruit sellers, when they can. Fortunately these older parts of the city retain their tree cover, and permit seller and buyer alike to benefit from the shade that these large trees provide, especially during the scorching mid-day sun. Attempts have been made to regulate these trees, as in the Cantonment—planting them at well-spaced intervals. But these “Indian” parts of the city seem to have integrated street trees more seamlessly into local identities, placing flyers on them, using them to advertise roadside flat tyre repair stands, and for a variety of other innovative purposes. In a city where motorbike riders often ride on the pavement to avoid traffic jams, one seller of pirated DVDs said that following a recent accident he preferred to position himself next to a large tree – so that bikers, avoiding the tree, would avoid hitting him as well!

A tender coconut vendor takes advantage of a lull in sales to catch up on the daily news. Photo: Suri Venkatachalam
A series of vegetable carts, covered with plastic, are lined up in the early morning hours below the large trees on the busy DV Gundappa road in Basavanagudi, awaiting the start of business. Photo: Suri Venkatachalam
Even mango sellers seek out the shade of trees, to keep their mangoes from spoiling in the harsh overhead sun. The trees serve a dual purpose here: their trunks are plastered with flyers, aiming to entice eager job-seekers. Photo: Suri Venkatachalam
Roadside snack sellers—in this case a chaat shop—conduct brisk business next to a street tree. Photo: Suri Venkatachalam
A lone fruit vendor waits for the last customers of the day, located strategically under a tree. Photo: Suri Venkatachalam

Trees in these older parts of the city are not without threat, though. Old city plans incorporated trees into their fabric. New plans do the opposite—they avoid leaving space for trees on roads. Trees are considered unavoidable casualties in a time of focused infrastructure expansion. The push of a modernizing city for an overhead Metro led to hundreds of trees on some of these roads being marked for felling several years ago. Sustained campaigns by civic groups and local residents saved many of these trees. The concrete pillars of the Metro tower over the traffic, but the rows of trees flanking the Metro line on both sides, saved by civic protests, soften the visual look—and significantly reduce air pollution on these streets, making it easier for residents and travellers to breathe. Electricity transformers make their mark on the overhead canopy as well, crisscrossing above tree branches. Sometimes entire trees or large branches are felled to make way for a new transformer. At other times, trees grow across these alien intruders, dropping branches on them during occasional storms, and leading to long power cuts.

Long term residents, used to living with trees, may complain about these minor inconveniences, but are rather tolerant of them, preferring to live with the occasional pitfalls of having trees to the alternative. Even service personnel adapt to the daily presence of trees on the road. It is a fairly common sight to see telephone wires coiled around trees, stored in hollows, or hanging on branches—while workers and street vendors often hang their belongings or lunch bags on a convenient shaded branch, or tuck them into nooks between branches, to be retrieved at their convenience.

The Metro line in Jayanagar is flanked by trees on both ends. The IT city is gearing up for business, with advertisements promising 1 GBPS, but the trees still stand tall on these roads, giving it an air of timelessness. Photo: Suri Venkatachalam
Meeting Bangalore’s growing needs for energy, an electricity transformer towers over the trees cape. Photo: Suri Venkatachalam
Trees form an integral part of daily life in south Bangalore streets, used to store bags, and coiled telephone wires. Photo: Suri Venkatachalam

Residential areas within the same south Bangalore neighbourhood, with smaller roads, prefer a different kind of tree. It is more likely to find fruiting trees and those with sweet scented flowers, planted by residents who care for them personally. Trees form a characteristic component of these neighbourhoods. The canopies of trees often connect, forming a seamless canopy, teeming with biodiversity: birds, butterflies, ants, squirrels and monkeys. Cars—from the small to the expensive—are parked under the shade of roadside trees. Flower vendors sell their garlands in the morning, to be attractively wound around braided hair, or carried home or to the temple, for esteemed rituals of daily worship.

Trees of different species form a connected canopy of green above inner residential streets. Photo: Suri Venkatachalam
Birds nest in overhead trees, safe from traffic and from ground predators. Photo: Suri Venkatachalam
Many small homes lack space for a garage. Instead, cars are parked outside in a shady spot. Street trees are much valued in these neighborhoods. Photo: Suri Venkatachalam
A larger car seeks out the shade of a giant tree. Photo: Suri Venkatachalam
A resident takes a morning walk on a wooded street. Photo: Suri Venkatachalam
Customers conduct a close inspection of flower garlands under a neighbourhood tree. Photo: Suri Venkatachalam

Dystopia hits when you travel further out of the city, moving into its peri-urban fringes. The outer fringe of Bangalore is an agglomeration of villages, some of which can trace their past history as far back as far 1200 years. The trees found here are largely native, or naturalised through centuries of local presence. A mix of sacred Ficus species like the banyan and peepal, and large fruiting trees like the mango, jackfruit, and tamarind, whose produce is used locally. Yet as the city expands its presence into the hinterland, the fruiting trees are often the first casualties. Of 43 wooded groves of fruiting trees in the south-eastern periphery of Bangalore, we found only 3 that continued to be protected—the rest were either completely denuded of trees, or severely degraded—with several trees removed or felled. Sacred trees are often the last to be left standing. Even one of these sprawling keystone Ficus trees can provide refuge to a number of threatened urban fauna – bats, monkeys, even the endangered slender loris.

A wooded grove in the south-eastern periphery of Bangalore. Photo: Suri Venkatachalam
Another peri-urban road leading from Bangalore to the highway. All trees have been felled, except for a majestic Ficus benghalensis (banyan). Photo: Suri Venkatachalam
Ficus trees are important keystone species that support a variety of urban fauna, including the monkeys pictured here. Photo: Suri Venkatachalam

Yet even the sacred is not completely safe from the threat of urban expansion. The Maduramma temple of Huskur, at the south-eastern periphery of Bangalore, provides an example of the expansion of the built construction of the temple, at the expense of the grove of trees that once surrounded it and contributed to its sacred identity. A historical temple of great antiquity, the front of the temple is now largely concreted, whereas the areas to the back, more protected from visitors, are still green.

The front view of the Huskur Madurramma temple, largely devoid of trees. Photo: Suri Venkatachalam
The back of the same temple, still relatively green. Photo: Suri Venkatachalam

Dystopia lurks close by. As urban construction expands in the peri-urban, denudation continues at a frenzied pace. Urban planning in the periphery is not driven by planners. It is driven by a motley mix of real estate agents, large builders and land owners, each seeking to maximise the profit they can make from the tiniest patch of land. Land prices have skyrocketed more than 20-fold in the city periphery in 10 years.

This is no city for trees. Instead of wide tree lined avenues connected by parks, the aerial roads of the city periphery actively discourage trees. Municipal officials create informal restrictions discouraging the plantation of trees on sidewalks—ironically, in anticipation of future civic protests at the time of road widening, when these trees may need to be felled. Instead, saplings are squeezed into absurdly tiny spots in the central median, where they struggle to survive. Apartments and residences around these large roads jostle for space with shops and commercial buildings. Apart from an occasional ornamental, there are hardly any trees to be seen. These areas present a stark difference from the scenic green vistas of Cantonment and south Bangalore. The city periphery is dystopic indeed, with some of the highest levels of pollution, dust and breathing disorders—an obvious corollary to the absence of trees.

A section of Sarjapur road, at the city periphery, with saplings squeezed into small confines of space, too close to each other, at the median. The only large tree to be seen in the vicinity is a sacred tree to the right of the image, protected within the confines of a temple. Photo: Suri Venkatachalam
A residential area adjacent to Sarjapur road, with a single ornamental tree interspersing the view of concrete rooftops. Photo: Suri Venkatachalam

Secular or sacred, domestic or dystopic, street trees play an important role in our daily lives. As urban residents, we only too obviously need trees for shade, pollution control, fruits, and flowers. But trees are also part of the daily lives of city residents, giving localities a sense of identity—characterising gentrified, commercial, residential and peri-urban neighbourhoods in very different ways. The importance of street trees in making a city liveable lies in plain sight, and is yet hidden from our eyes. The diversity of social and ecological spaces that trees inhabit characterise the lives of Indian cities. In some places they are sacred, in others disciplined, in still other spaces struggling to get a toehold for survival.

The lives of street trees are emblematic in many ways of the multiple entanglements that characterise the nature-society dialectic animating the ever expanding urban in the global south—entanglements that pull together the past and the present, the secular and the sacred, and the global and the local.

Understanding the role of street trees in our daily lives helps us to disentangle the multiple processes, drivers and mindsets that shape Bangalore, in the past and present. Such an understanding might help us generate valuable insights to build a more sustainable future for Nature in the City—insights that can then inform purposeful collective action to chart a course away from the dystopia lurking around the peri-urban corner in Bangalore. Fortunately, the vision of a city built around trees, developed by earlier planners and bureaucrats, does not lie too far in the past. Indeed, as interviews with officials such as Seturam Neginhal, instrumental in the plantation of 1.5 million trees in Bangalore 50 years ago, reveal: these officials were well aware of the importance of street trees in our daily lives. It is that reflective attention and awareness that we must seek to reclaim.

Suri Venkatachalam and Harini Nagendra
Bangalore

On The Nature of Cities

Harini Nagendra

About the Writer:
Harini Nagendra

Harini Nagendra is a Professor of Sustainability at Azim Premji University, Bangalore, India. She uses social and ecological approaches to examine the factors shaping the sustainability of forests and cities in the south Asian context. Her books include “Cities and Canopies: Trees of Indian Cities” and "Shades of Blue: Connecting the Drops in India's Cities" (Penguin India, 2023) (with Seema Mundoli), and “The Bangalore Detectives Club” historical mystery series set in 1920s colonial India.

Seeing and Seeding the Potential of Urban Life

Many voices. Greener cities. Better cities.

Land really is the best art.

I think having land and not ruining it is the most beautiful art that anybody could ever want.

—Andy Warhol

The new year is a good time to look back before looking forward: this blog offers opportunity to take stock of 2014, which was indeed a seminal year for Landlife.  Landlife started out as a pioneering urban wildlife group in 1975, and founded the National Wildflower Centre as a UK Millennium project in 2000.  I’ve grown with them for over twenty of those years in Liverpool—a global port with close historic connections to New York City—which has undergone dramatic growth, decline, and cultural resurgence . There is currently a major UK retrospective of Andy Warhol at Tate Liverpool, and it reminded me of his perhaps surprising quote above. Placing nature in the equation of the way people and places respond to change and circumstance is a real measure of resilience, something which urban ecologists are increasingly acknowledging and building into their practice. It is also about passing and sharing experience, and the creative spark of how to retain and get the best from any given situation.

In February 2014 I was invited to Nantes in NW France to participate in a cross-sectoral roundtable event with renowned designer Thomas Heatherwick, British Council France and a group of northern artists, ecologists and researchers.  Another Atlantic-facing port city, Nantes’ year as European Green Capital in 2013 boosted the investment and usage of green spaces and energy-efficient transport, which together with massive public investment in the arts have made this city a buzzing centre for creative professionals, public art and, more recently, cultural tourism. Nantes has embraced the Loire, its gateway to the West, with inventiveness second to none, and is well worth visiting, especially if or when Heatherwick’s ferry will be carrying passengers daily.

Heatherwick’s Seed Cathedral was the chosen British Pavillion, which won the No.1 design award at the 2010 Shanghai World Expo. Seeds are Landlife’s daily bread, as, working with co-operative local farmers, we have successfully created a new seed industry on Merseyside. Seeing the thousands of glass rods from the dismantled seed cathedral made a big impression on me. Each of the 66,000 rods contained a seed from Kew’s Millennium Seed Bank, where I took Chinese visitors from Chengdu (one of the world’s fastest growing cities) in July 2014.

The seeds up close, inside the Cathedral. Image via despoke.com
The seeds up close, inside the Cathedral. Image via despoke.com

Though such seed banks may be valuable, Landlife believes that beauty and liveability lie in releasing their potential, and unlocking public space to create living seed banks, even in the world’s most densely-populated cities, like New York, Hong Kong and Chengdu. We have thus been able to bounce off some of this creativity and link it back to creative conservation projects in China, and help liberate seeds from the Chinese National Seed Bank in Kunming, which originally supplied seed for the cathedral. To this end we have already initiated special new wildflower seed industry in China, and surprisingly fronted British Week in Western China by signing a special Memorandum of understanding at the opening ceremony in Kunming.

Mrs Zhou Director of a Chengdu engineering company dancing spontaneously in one of Landlife’s fields
Mrs Zhou Director of a Chengdu engineering company dancing spontaneously in one of Landlife’s fields

As well as fields, spaces in waiting are exciting for their own spontaneous nature, and we can inject a little rhythm with deliberately sown and tended seed for the joy of the evolutionary dance.

Liverpool has the oldest Chinese community in Europe with whom Landlife has a longstanding friendship. Last year, we brokered a deal between the progressive development company Urban Splash, Liverpool City Council with funding  from John Swire & Sons Ltd, who have built their international business portfolio from Liverpool roots with the Latin motto which translates as ‘To be, rather than to seem to be’. The Tribeca Lands (named after the New York City neighborhood) is 3 hectares of vacant land below Liverpool’s Anglican cathedral. The project was in effect was a simple cultivation exercise and we made our own community splash by sowing with local children, and Chinese elders.

Landlife’s Poppy sowings on the Liverpool “Tribeca” land, below Liverpool’s Anglican Cathedral
Landlife’s Poppy sowings on the Liverpool “Tribeca” land, below Liverpool’s Anglican Cathedral

We sowed the areas with the glorious red poppy which had evocative connections in different ways, in England for its connection to memories of the first world war and its poignant centenary. But for many—both in the Chinese community and passers by—it was the pure joy of the unremitting red.

The sites flowered for the first time and looked fantastic from May through to July. The poppies were complete surprise to many people, and the sense of mystery added to the magic, proving that curiosity in projects can be an advertisement in itself, and signage is not always needed.

See a video here, and here.

Despite some July rain, we were able to link it to an event we staged at the Liverpool International Business Festival with an event called Seeding Tomorrow, which for some was the best event of the business festival, and formalised our seed links to our Chinese colleagues from Kunming and Chengdu, as well as strengthening links with our French colleagues from Nantes. The event was chaired by Peter Thoday who was the Eden Project’s first horticultural director. The effect of the poppies still ripples on after the flowers have long gone—but they will be back for at least another two summers maybe three and guarantee a longer-term future for clever and hopefully coordinated cycles of land projects in Liverpool, which can easily combine food growing, artistic uses (a drive in Cinema on one Liverpool vacant plot) with wildflowers and nature.

Our philosophy is to place good applied ecology in the centre of places in flux.  Temporary spaces may be short-term, but they can be a great addition to the vitality of any city. This can combine of course with longer term projects ideals, but gives a greater and rich landscape spectrum as a result.

ColourA4I am pleased to report after a successful harvest, our year culminated in a successful campaign to win, the wildflower Landmark/flagship bid for England, organised by Kew Gardens, as part of their National Lottery-funded programme called Grow Wild. After winning through a series of competitive rounds the result was finally decided by public votes over a one month period. It was an award we were very proud to win for Liverpool and Manchester after generating over 19,000 votes. We’re humbled by international support from China, India to Afghanistan and the United States.

We launched our Tale of Two Cities campaign in Everton with our own green goddess, Landlife’s trusty combine harvester, and Everton dress-maker, who wore a stunning Rio Carnival dress from Liverpool Samba School, and we sang all the way to Manchester, with the adapted classic ‘Flowers to the People’.

Two green goddesses meet in Everton Park serenaded by Ian Prowse to launch the Tale of Two Cities Campaign in October 2014
Two green goddesses meet in Everton Park serenaded by Ian Prowse to launch the Tale of Two Cities Campaign in October 2014

During the course of the campaign we canvassed and caroled museums, street markets and football matches to get enough popular votes to beat 4 other UK Cities to win the National prize. This will give us £120,000 prize to use wildflowers as the catalyst for a whole series of adventures in the spirit of creative conservation to allow other people to add their own experience and energy to those of the wildflowers themselves. Twenty football pitches of wildflowers in the the two cities. Football pitches are a significant measuring stick since we received support of past Liverpool football icon Kenny Dagliesh (King Kenny, who has 700,000 twitter followers), who tweeted his support from Liverpool’s John Lennon Airport. Although often the plant and football cultures don;t mix, Dagliesh’s Tweet immediately drew 39,000 people to our website.  Mr Silky, the football skills star from the campaign, declared on the day after the vote that he was dreaming of flowers for the first time in his life.

A Tale of Two Cities will be cultural bridge between these two often-competitive places, with planting on prominent roadways and green spaces. The title for our bid came from the Charles Dickens novel, with its fitting opening line “It is the best of times It was the worst of times”, and measures up to the challenges of recession and government cuts, and times we live in. We’ll be working with performance poets and songwriters from both cities to form a collective contemporary narrative with multiple points of entry for people of all ages. This rich cultural element makes the wildflower project unique with cross thread literary links to Gerald Manley Hopkins, to Chinese classical and dub music, and modern songwriting talent, to celebrate the flowering and bring joy to both northern cities.

Seeding this project is believing in the potential held by a single seed, and the cost-effectiveness of using seeds well, as opposed to costly landscaping schemes. The deliberation over choosing and sowing particular species is key to giving nature a helping hand, speeding things up a bit, and loading the dice in our favour. Success is the both the wow factor and the longer-term impact of the bringing the wild in wildflower seeds into city life. Seeing is believing because when people observe these dramatic outcomes for themselves it changes perspectives and gives a new vision of what is possible. This is how such projects can develop a real legacy in changing the way we view the world, in translating the best fit for nature in urban places.

This story will form a springboard of practical effort for the World Conference of the Society for Ecological Restoration coming to Manchester this August to encourage ecological restorationists, planners and communities to leap off into new areas they might not have thought of before, meeting people from all walks of life, being educated by accident. We are still accepting abstracts on the theme of Resilience Ecology.  Our conference title is Resilience Ecology: Restoring the Rural the Urban and the Wild.

For me, creative conservation gatherings have nourished and strengthened partnerships and practical actions. So I hope to see some of you in Manchester on 23-27 August 2015!

For further info on our work and projects please email [email protected].

Richard Scott
Liverpool

On The Nature of Cities